• Three US soldiers were killed in a drone attack at a military outpost in Jordan last year.
• BI obtained the investigation into the attack, outlining the failures that preceded the carnage.
• It points to extensive problems among the command and control soldiers who handled base security.

Intelligence had come in before the fatal strike on the US military base that an imminent attack was possible. The base soldiers responsible for tracking threats were monitoring the situation. But they say they never saw the hostile drone coming.

Business Insider obtained the US Army command investigation into the January 28, 2024, attack on Tower 22, a small logistics outpost in northeastern Jordan. An explosive-packed drone launched by an Iranian-aligned militia group killed three American troops and wounded over 100 more.

After the deadly blast, a soldier whose name and position were both redacted in the investigation jumped out of bed and rushed into the Base Defense Operations Center responsible for overseeing the defenses, asking why they didn't catch it.

Another soldier interviewed for the investigation characterized the inquiries at that moment differently, reporting that they were screaming, asking, "How did you guys not see it?"

Everyone in the BDOC said nothing was on any of their systems, aside from a couple of tracks they dismissed as balloons or trash.

"I could've sworn I was looking at the radar 30 seconds before the attack and didn't see anything on it," one soldier recalled, adding that they "don't remember seeing anything that was even close."

Just before the attack, though, the BDOC's focus was on a Scan Eagle recon drone that was landing at the base. That soldier acknowledged that it might have been a distraction.

Finding failures

The Army investigation uncovered extensive problems among the command and control soldiers handling base security.

Threat assessments were conducted regularly at Tower 22, and all of them determined there was a high risk of attack. The investigation indicated that base defenders at the time of the attack, however, were unprepared to meet the threat.

The report identified several failures, including a lack of key leadership presence, "cumulative exhaustion from an insufficient number" of base defense crew shifts, and "inadequate, poorly rehearsed, and overly centralized battle drills."

It also pointed to a failure to recognize the threat of attacks from certain directions. For example, it says personnel at the base erroneously assumed the southern approach to the base was safe. There was some confusion on where the drone came from.

The investigation said all the soldiers working the night shift at the BDOC when the drone attack happened said they saw two tracks south of Tower 22 on radar but didn't look into them.

The soldiers shared that the tracks observed to the south of Tower 22 before the attack were "too far away," were "moving too slowly," or were "possibly birds or trash," the investigation said, noting that this indicated "their negligent departure from their own" standard operating procedure.

The investigation said that "at the time of the attack, the BDOC crew also admitted they were very focused on watching the Scan Eagle recovery and did not interrogate or assess the unknown air tracks to the south of Tower 22 with the Night Hawk camera." A Scan Eagle drone is a low-altitude surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft that is made by US aerospace company Boeing.

Soldiers said that the Scan Eagle drone returned to Tower 22 just moments before an explosion rocked the base at around 5:30 a.m.

The reported missteps moments before the attack indicate a command failure for the BDOC crew that was supposed to monitor threats. Soldiers were confused about the leadership roles at the time and felt they couldn't make big decisions, "even when faced with imminent danger to the base," the investigation said.

"We do assess that the BDOC night shift crew was not properly manned with the appropriate rank and experience level required of those positions given the current threat environment at Tower 22 and the important decisions required to protect the personnel on the base," even though senior leaders were available, the report explained.

US Central Command did not respond to Business Insider about any accountability actions taken prior to publication.

One document included in the investigation said there was no advanced warning from any radar or other system at either Tower 22 or the nearby Al-Tanf Garrison, a US military base several miles away in Syria. The bomb-laden enemy drone destroyed a six-person housing unit and damaged surrounding ones, killing three Army National Guard soldiers and wounding 104 others.

The deadly Tower 22 incident came amid a larger campaign of Iran-backed militia attacks on American forces across the Middle East over the US stance in the Israel-Hamas war. The Biden administration responded days later with widespread airstrikes on Tehran-linked targets in Iraq and Syria.

Drone challenges

Crucially, the Tower 22 incident underscores the challenges of detecting small drones packed with explosives and the related readiness requirements. These munitions, increasingly being used in combat, are very different from traditional threats like missiles. They are more easily acquired by threat actors, have small radar signatures that can be mistaken for other things, and demand vigilance to engage. And even then, they can be missed.

The US recognizes that drones are a significant problem, representing a major threat to the force. In December, then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said that adversary drones "have evolved rapidly" in recent years, adding that "cheap systems are increasingly changing the battlefield, threatening US installations, and wounding or killing our troops."

Toward the end of the Biden administration, the Department of Defense outlined its approach to the drone threat. The US is looking to build up its inventory of counter-drone capabilities. Such systems were in place at Tower 22, but something else went wrong.

In the recommendations in the Tower 22 investigation, it was suggested that US Army Central, tasked with Middle East operations, establish a "comprehensive and standardized" BDOC/counter-drone crew training scheme for all units before deploying to a region where counter-drone capabilities or missions may be needed.

The report recommended that the program "include recent experiences, TTPs [tactics, techniques, and procedures], and lessons learned from across" the Centcom area of responsibility.

• Business Insider recently traveled to Pripyat, an abandoned town next to Chernobyl.
• Pripyat was evacuated right after the 1986 disaster at the nuclear power plant.
• The city is a complete ghost town. These photos show what it's like now.

PRIPYAT, Ukraine — There's a silence in Pripyat that's unsettling but also hauntingly peaceful. There's no traffic or commotion in the streets or on the sidewalks. In fact, there are no cars or people at all in this city.

Pripyat had the deep misfortune of being situated only a few miles down the road from the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant in what is now northern Ukraine.

At its peak, nearly 50,000 people lived in Pripyat, an industrial city established in 1970 near the Belarusian border. It had everything one might need, from a grocery store to a restaurant. It was a relatively new city with a vibrant community.

But on April 26, 1986, disaster struck at Chernobyl.

One of the plant's reactors exploded, sending highly radioactive contamination into the air across the Soviet Union and into Europe. Pripyat was evacuated the day after the deadly meltdown that killed 30 operators and first responders. It's now a ghost town.

Business Insider recently traveled to Pripyat deep inside the now-established Chernobyl Exclusion Zone, a highly radioactive area of 1,000 square miles that encompasses the nuclear power plant.

Getting to Pripyat was no easy task. Visitors need a permit to enter the exclusion zone, which is about a two-hour drive north of Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital. We met our guide at the entrance, which is a military checkpoint. The soldiers looked over our documents before allowing us into the restricted area.

Driving to Pripyat through the actual town of Chernobyl and past the nuclear power plant is a constant reminder that Ukraine is at war.

The Russian army initially occupied this area during the early days of the invasion three years ago, but it's now back under Ukrainian control. There are soldiers, checkpoints, armored vehicles, and fortifications everywhere.

When we finally arrived in Pripyat — the former main road into the city is full of potholes that made it difficult to travel — we were on the clock. The International Atomic Energy Agency says that the lingering radioactive isotopes in the atmosphere are at tolerable exposure levels but only for limited periods of time. We couldn't stay for too long.

We walked through the city, careful not to stray too far from the path the guide had taken.

A glance around the town reveals emblems from the former Soviet Union on street lights and atop buildings. The city was silent — abandoned in every sense. Vegetation creeps into the buildings, some of which no longer have windows. Beyond a Ukrainian military vehicle that was there only briefly and two other visitors, no one else was around.

These photos show just how eerie it is in Pripyat:

When it was time to leave, we packed up the car and headed back to Chernobyl, where a soldier went through my camera to make sure I didn't take any photos of sensitive military sites.

Heading out, we drove through a checkpoint, where we had to stand in radiation detector devices. These resembled the rectangular scanners at an airport. These devices checked our clothes, shoes, and hands for any radioactive residue. To my surprise, I was clean.

Still, when I returned to my hotel in Kyiv, I washed everything I had with me.

• The US is officially extending the deployment of an aircraft carrier in the Middle East.
• The Pentagon is also directing a second carrier to the region while another moves into the Pacific.
• The force posture changes come amid high tensions between the US and Iran and its proxies.

American aircraft carriers are on the move as the US military reacts to the rising tensions in the Middle East.

The US is officially extending the deployment of an aircraft carrier in the Middle East and sending another to the region, the Pentagon announced on Tuesday. A third one is heading to the Western Pacific to maintain a US presence there amid the heightened focus on the Central Command area of responsibility.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ordered the Harry S. Truman Carrier Strike Group to stay in the Middle East region "in support of regional deterrence and force protection efforts," Sean Parnell, the chief Pentagon spokesperson, said in a statement.

The strike group led by the aircraft carrier USS Harry S. Truman entered the US Central Command area of responsibility, which covers the Middle East, in mid-December to take over the Navy's yearlong fight against the Houthis in Yemen.

The US military has noticeably intensified its campaign against the Houthis in recent weeks as the Trump administration directs American forces to hit the rebels with airstrikes until they halt their attacks on Red Sea shipping. The Truman strike group has been involved in these efforts.

Parnell said that the Carl Vinson Carrier Strike Group, which is led by the carrier USS Carl Vinson equipped with F-35C stealth fighter jets, will arrive in the Centcom area of responsibility "to continue promoting regional stability, deter aggression, and protect the free flow of commerce in the region" after it finishes a scheduled exercise in the Indo-Pacific.

It is unclear how long the two Navy carrier strike groups could overlap in the Middle East, but it's a notable show of force. The Navy last had two carriers in the region in the summer as the Houthis fired missiles and drones at ships in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

The Pentagon's official force posture update confirms earlier reporting and comes amid high tensions between the Trump administration and Iran and the Tehran-backed Houthis.

Parnell said that Hegseth directed more aircraft to the Middle East. The US has been moving both A-10 attack planes and B-2 stealth bombers to the region. The Vinson also brings with it a considerable air wing.

"Secretary Hegseth continues to make clear that, should Iran or its proxies threaten American personnel and interests in the region, the United States will take decisive action to defend our people," the Pentagon spokesman said.

His comments echo those of President Donald Trump, who said on Monday the strikes against the Houthis will continue if the rebels don't stop attacking US ships. He warned that "the real pain is yet to come" for the Houthis and Iran.

As the US masses forces in the Middle East, the Pentagon said that the Nimitz Carrier Strike Group led by the aging USS Nimitz has started a deployment to the Western Pacific, where it will maintain the Navy's aircraft carrier presence there.

There have previously been concerns that an overemphasis on deploying carriers and other warships to the Middle East leaves gaps in the US force presence in the Indo-Pacific, which is home to top US rival China, a priority challenge.

• President Donald Trump threatened Iran with bombing like "they have never seen before" over the weekend.
• His threat came amid the unusual deployment of B-2 stealth bombers to the Indian Ocean.
• The bombers arrived amid a larger build-up of US military assets in the Middle East area.

President Donald Trump is threatening Iran with bombing to get to a new nuclear deal.

The threat comes as the US appears to be massing B-2 stealth bombers at a strategic base in the Indian Ocean that has been used to stage strikes in the Middle East.

"If they don't make a deal, there will be bombing," Trump told NBC News' Kristen Welker over the weekend, adding that "it will be bombing the likes of which they have never seen before."

Earlier this month, Trump gave Tehran a two-month deadline to agree to a new nuclear deal or face military action. On Sunday, Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian rejected direct talks with the US, though he left the door open to indirect negotiations.

Trump withdrew from a landmark 2015 nuclear deal with Iran during his first term in office.

The president's threat comes as the US has been deploying B-2 Spirit bombers to Diego Garcia, a tiny British island in the Indian Ocean that has served as a joint UK-US military base for decades, in an unusual move. Open-source intelligence analysts began tracking the arrival of multiple aircraft over the past few days.

A spokesperson for Air Force Global Strike Command confirmed that there are B-2s at Diego Garcia, though they would not say how many. Recent satellite imagery indicated that as of last Tuesday, there were at least three of them there, but possibly more.

"Their mission is to deter, detect, and, if necessary, defeat strategic attacks against the United States and its allies," the spokesperson told Business Insider on Monday without elaborating further.

The bombers could be there in relation to developments in the Middle East or Bomber Task Force missions. Either way, it's a lot of firepower readily available.

The B-2 Spirit is a long-range strategic bomber manufactured by Northrop Grumman. The Air Force has just 19 of these stealth aircraft in active service. Built for penetrating strikes against hard-to-reach targets, the bombers are based at Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri.

The roughly $2 billion B-2 is capable of delivering both nuclear and conventional strikes and is able to carry up to 40,000 pounds of ordnance, including the GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator. The MOP is a 30,000-pound bunker buster.

It's been speculated that an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities, which are largely underground in hardened bunkers, would require capabilities only that the B-2 can deliver.

The specific purpose of the B-2s on Diego Garcia is unclear, but they have the potential to serve as a show of force for Iran and its proxies. Last fall, the US sent a clear message to Tehran by sending B-2 bombers to strike hardened Houthi facilities. Iranian support for the Houthis has fueled the Red Sea crisis, which has heated up again lately.

The Trump administration has pounded the Iran-backed rebels with airstrikes over the past two weeks in an effort to stop their attacks against military and civilian vessels in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

However, the Houthis demonstrated as recently as Sunday that they can still fire long-range missiles at Israel, which they continue to do in protest of the Gaza war.

The deployment of the B-2s noticeably comes amid a larger US military build-up in the Middle East. There have been rising tensions and threats between Trump's White House and Iran and the Tehran-backed Houthis.

On Saturday, the Idaho Air National Guard's 124th Fighter Wing announced the deployment of more than 300 Airmen and several A-10 Thunderbolt II attack aircraft to the Middle East area of operations. The unit has previously deployed in support of the US-led war against the Islamic State.

The Navy is also sending a second aircraft carrier to the region. USS Carl Vinson will join the USS Harry S. Truman and its strike group, which has been striking the Houthis for weeks. When it arrives, the Vinson would be the fifth US carrier to partake in combat operations against the rebels.

• Some NATO countries are considering alternatives to the F-35 stealth fighter jet.
• The Trump administration's shifted stance towards Europe has allies concerned about reliability.
• Lockheed's business is feeling the trust erosion between the US and its allies, an analyst said.

The Trump administration is throwing some cold water on the once-hot market for Lockheed Martin's F-35 stealth fighter. And that's not the company's only headache.

At least two NATO militaries are weighing alternatives to the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter as the US signals in public statements and unintentionally leaked private chats that it is less committed to Europe's defense. Top Trump officials have characterized Europe as a "pathetic" freeloader.

Trump's trade wars and public spats with the leaders of countries buying F-35s pose risks for Lockheed, which makes the fifth-generation F-35 fighter for the US military and foreign customers, aviation experts said.

A reduction in F-35 purchases by foreign buyers would drive up the cost-per-unit of jets, including for the US because the fixed costs can be spread across fewer planes.

Many foreign military sales "are now endangered by these new concerns about US reliability," said Mark Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and a senior advisor on defense and security at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

To make matters worse for Lockheed, Trump last week selected its rival, Boeing, to build the next-generation F-47 stealth fighter. Lockheed's stock briefly dropped following the contract announcement, and Bank of America downgraded the defense giant, citing the F-47 contract upset.

A Lockheed spokesperson said that "foreign military sales are government-to-government transactions, so anything further will be best addressed by the US or respective customer governments." And on the F-47, the company has said it will continue to work with the Air Force on new capabilities.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment from BI on recent turbulence.

Growing anxiety

The Trump administration's warming position toward Russia and its criticism of NATO countries has triggered a shift in how some members of the alliance view their defense relationship with the US. NATO countries field a variety of US-made weapons, but the F-35 is a top product.

Earlier this month, Portugal's defense minister said that the country should re-consider replacing its arsenal of F-16s with the more advanced F-35s, citing the US stance on security issues as cause for concern.

Canada's defense minister then said the country would review alternatives to the F-35 amid rising tensions with the US over Trump-ordered tariffs and other trade threats.

A Canadian defense ministry spokesperson told BI that Canada is not canceling its planned F-35 fighter procurement, with deliveries set to begin next year. They said the ministry is "in the early stages" of reviewing the current F-35 process "in a way that is both efficient and thorough."

Last week, the chairman of Denmark's parliamentary defense committee said he regretted buying the F-35, citing concerns that the US State Department could abruptly block spare parts needed to maintain the aircraft. He said purchasing American weapons is now "a security risk."

The country's defense ministry told BI that "any limitations in the use of Danish F-35 aircraft are classified information, but Denmark is still open to buying additional F-35 aircraft in the future."

Denmark, like Canada, is an original F-35 program participant. The fifth-gen aircraft has also been sold to another dozen countries in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia. Since the first F-35 rolled off the factory floor nearly two decades ago, over 1,100 jets have been delivered to allied and partner militaries.

Three other F-35 program participants, specifically the UK, Australia, and the Netherlands, voiced their continued support for this program.

The Dutch defense ministry told BI that there's "no reason to assume that the good cooperation with the US in the F-35 program will change or stop," and a spokesperson for the Australian defense ministry said that it is "committed to continued investment" in the F-35.

Other allies, like Germany, have also reiterated their support for the program, even amid lingering uncertainty. A spokesperson for Poland's defense ministry told BI that its F-35 program "is being implemented according to schedule. Currently, there are no decisions on the possible termination of the agreements signed with the American side."

Questioning alliances

NATO allies have not yet made any firm decisions to pull the plug on more F-35 procurement, but unease has replaced a once certain confidence. Analysts and experts say that US allies may be justifiably concerned about the potential leverage the Trump administration could have over them.

There's no kill switch or anything like that for the jets, but the US provides critical additional support for its weapons that makes them effective. American-led maintenance and supply chains, as well as networks and planning support, are essential to the program. Without them, these jets could end up being display pieces costing in excess of $80 million.

As with other weapons systems, the State Department must approve potential F-35 sales to foreign buyers. Trump raised eyebrows last week when he said some US allies might only be able to buy a less-capable version of the coming F-47. The US has sold modified export models of weapons, but the reasoning here was notable.

When he announced that Boeing Co., a longtime leader in stealth aircraft production, will build the sixth-generation Next Generation Air Dominance, or NGAD, fighter, Trump said that allies could purchase a "toned-down" version of the aircraft "because, someday, maybe they're not our allies."

Richard Aboulafia, an aviation expert and the managing director of the US consulting firm AeroDynamic Advisory, said that reduced foreign exports could drive up US purchasing costs. That's not great for the F-35 program.

The jet has faced criticism, including from the cost-cutting Department of Government Efficiency head Elon Musk, for design issues, program costs, and persistent sustainability challenges. There's a risk the plane could be targeted in future budget decisions, though that would be a bigger fight.

"There is a scenario where a bunch of export orders go away, and a bunch of domestic US orders go away," Aboulafia said, adding that this "would make this a much more expensive airplane and, therefore, more vulnerable to cuts."

Lockheed expects to deliver up to 190 F-35s to the US and its allies in 2025.

Retired US Army Maj. Gen. Gordon "Skip" Davis, who previously served as NATO's deputy assistant secretary-general for the alliance's defense-investment division, told BI that while it's possible a US administration could use F-35 support as leverage, "doing so would come at a high strategic cost and provoke resistance from Congress, allies, and industry," not just Lockheed.

Davis told BI there are a number of constraints on the administration after the aircraft has been sold, including contractual obligations, jeopardizing multinational defense cooperation, and driving away foreign interest in the F-35.

He said that allied countries vary in their vulnerability. "Countries without a domestic alternative and not involved in the F-35 component and parts production would be the most vulnerable to such a tactic," Davis said.

There are some European-made alternatives to the F-35, like the Eurofighter Typhoon fighter. However, no European jet matches the fifth-generation F-35, a low-observable networking platform capable of quarterbacking a range of combat capabilities.

• Trump's actions have caused some US allies to reconsider their commitment to buying F-35s.
• It's a big opportunity for Europe, and one jet maker is already trying to seize the opportunity.
• Trump's attitude to Europe, a rapidly growing defense market, has caused some to emphasize buying local.

President Donald Trump's treatment of US allies is causing some to question their commitment to the US-made F-35, presenting a golden opportunity for European defense companies.

One European jet maker is already trying to capitalize, publicly trying to get wavering countries to buy its jets instead.

Eric Trappier, CEO of France's Dassault Aviation, said on Sunday that his company was ready for US allies unsure about buying the American jet to adopt its Rafale fighter.

He told French newspaper Le Journal du Dimanche that, as long as France's government approved the move, Dassault would be ready to provide its services.

If relationships between the US and its allies deteriorate further, European defense companies could be in a strong position to seize the opportunity.

Richard Aboulafia, an aviation expert and the managing director of US consulting firm AeroDynamic Advisory, told Business Insider that, amid this tension, "Obviously, the one player that wins big are the European firms that can make an argument to purchase on the basis of national sovereignty."

When it comes to European-made jets, "none of these planes are as good as the F-35," he said, but added that: "If you're Denmark and you're looking at a confrontation in Greenland and you say, 'Wow, the F-35 really does give us elaborate capabilities — unless we can't use it.'"

A Europe boost and US blow

Trump has thrown a wrench in long-standing relationships with European powers, by criticizing defense spending and the NATO alliance in general, while also threatening to annex a European territory and excluding European allies from peace talks over Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Some nations are now questioning their commitment to the F-35 — a leading product for the US defense industry that, as a program, is expected to cost more than $2 trillion.

Part of this is down to worries about the future of US weaponry, as countries that buy American weapons must rely on the US manufacturer for parts and services.

Allies turning away from the F-35 would be a big blow to the US defense industry: The F-35 is the West's most advanced jet and is a symbol of US defense strength.

But it's also run years late and billions over budget.

Losing international sales would exacerbate the program's difficulties. Around 35% of Lockheed Martin's F-35 deliveries last year were to the international market, and the company says the program contributes around $72 billion annually to the US economy, and supports 275,000 US jobs.

The US' loss is Europe's gain

This loss could give a major boost to European manufacturers.

European defense spending is growing at a faster rate than the US, with many countries needing to replace their arsenals as they give weaponry to Ukraine.

European defense stocks are also soaring, as countries increase their military spending.

Even so, many have struggled with a shortage of manufacturing capability which has left them unable to produce enough weaponry and ammunition, even if they're willing to spend more.

Trump's approach could push Europe faster toward what many warfare experts and European leaders identify as a tipping point: countries placing large enough orders for the defense industry to feel confident enough to massively boost production.

For items as large and complex as fighter jets, this scaling up would still take years.

European leaders are urging the purchasing of European weapons. Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, said this month that "we must buy more European" weapons, and "that means creating an EU-wide market for defense equipment."

Seizing the opportunity

Trappier's comments about countries adopting the Rafale fighter jet came as many nations have publicly voiced their uncertainty over plans to move forward with the F-35.

Canada's defense minister said his country was reviewing its contract with Lockheed Martin for F-35s and looking at "other alternatives," while Rasmus Jarlov, chairman of Denmark's parliamentary defense committee, said he regrets choosing the F-35 for his country.

Among other things, Jarlov said he did not believe the Pentagon's denial of rumors the jets could have a "kill switch" allowing the US to remotely disable them.

Portugal's defense minister this month said his country was unsure about its plans to transition to the F-35s — a deal anticipated to be worth $6 billion — citing the US's posture toward NATO and its allies.

Trappier said he wanted to offer Portugal the jet, adding that the country hadn't contacted France yet but that a request could come in the next few weeks or months.

He also said that Dassault's Rafale production had increased from one jet a month in 2020 to more than two a month this year. Trappier said that would grow to three a month in 2026, and four from 2028-2029.

The company was looking at how to bring that up to five a month, he added, but he didn't give a timeline.

A major shortfall

Despite its growth, it's unclear how much the Rafale could make up for any shortfall left by countries canceling or deciding against F-35 orders.

Lockheed Martin produces more than 150 F-35s a year. Even if Dassault makes three a month that would still only be 36 jets.

Mark Cancian, a defense expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told BI that the "production rate will be an issue" if allies want to heavily turn to Rafales.

There are similar issues with other European aircraft, like the Swedish-made Gripen and the Eurofighter Typhoon, manufactured by a consortium of Airbus Defense and Space, BAE Systems, and Leonardo.

Many countries still seem committed to their F-35s: A spokesperson for The Netherlands' defense ministry told BI that "there is no reason to assume that the good cooperation with the US in the F-35 program will change or stop" and described the F-35 as a joint effort, a jet "developed, deployed and maintained as a common platform based on a strong partnership with the US and other countries around the world."

Germany and the UK have also said they remain committed.

F-35s are considered among the world's most advanced jets, and changing jet type would create additional work that could delay readiness at a time when Europe is increasingly worried about threats from Russia.

Even so, there are signs that many countries are questioning their long-term dependency on US tech and weaponry.

The prime minister of Sweden, which doesn't operate F-35s, said this month that he doesn't view US weaponry as a security threat, but said Sweden and Europe "would do well from being a little less dependent on the US defense industry."

• Ukrainian companies are racing to build fiber-optic drones for the country's military to use.
• Business Insider recently visited the production line of one such company in Kyiv.
• Take a look at how these drones are made and tested to get them ready for combat.

KYIV, Ukraine — Walking into the apartment-size production facility, an unassuming hallway offering no real indication of what lies ahead suddenly gives way to a full-blown drone-making operation.

Stacks of hobby-style quadcopter drones sit alongside tables covered with tools, electronics, and random parts scattered about. A Ukrainian flag hangs on the wall.

This makeshift but sophisticated "factory" is where the Ukrainian company 3DTech produces explosive-packed drones for the country's military to help them fend off the invading Russian forces.

Ukraine's booming weapons industry is made up of countless operations just like this one. While some companies may work out of classic factories, many others work out of smaller, simpler workshops. Drone makers are building recon assets, bombers, regular quadcopters carrying bombs, fiber-optic drones, and even AI-enabled systems.

Business Insider visited 3DTech's facility this month and spoke with members of the operation, including its CEO and its chief engineer.

3DTech makes first-person view drones. These have become ubiquitous on the battlefield; both Ukraine and Russia arm them with explosives and pilot them from a distance into enemy positions or armored vehicles. Amid strains on traditional stockpiles, these uncrewed assets have emerged as supercheap but effective precision weapons.

FPV drones rely on a stable connection to their operators. The most common practice has been a radio frequency connection that allows pilots to guide the drones remotely toward targets many miles away. This method, however, is vulnerable to the extensive electronic signal-jamming tactics that Ukraine and Russia use.

Fiber-optic cables have emerged as an increasingly popular solution to this problem. Drones with this type of connection are more resistant to jamming and produce higher-quality video transmissions, which helps the pilots steer them toward their targets. Though the tether can be limiting, Kyiv and Moscow have been racing to build fiber-optic drones in recent months.

Half of the 1,200 FPV drones that 3DTech expects to make in March are fiber-optic drones, while the other half rely on radio frequency connections. The company expects its output to increase when it soon signs a formal contract with Ukraine's Ministry of Defense.

"The market of fiber-optic drones is very dynamic, and the demand will increase," Roman Aharkov, 3DTech's CEO, told BI through a translator. He believes fiber-optic drones will eventually make up a quarter of all drones in service.

Building an exploding drone

A stroll through the 3DTech facility showcases the full developmental cycle for drones like this. In one room, eight technicians sit at little stations, putting together carbon fiber frames. Some of them can make up to nine drones each day. The 3DTech staff works eight hours a day, seven days a week.

Dozens of drone frames of various sizes — 7, 8, 10, and 13 inches — are stacked on top of one another. At this stage in its development, the product isn't very heavy.

Down the hall, in another room, an army of 3D printers is turning out spools for the fiber-optic cables. The company used to rely on China for this product, but Aharkov said the Chinese coils resulted in slower drone speeds and poor maneuverability.

3DTech builds its own fiber-optic spools, but it still relies on China for parts like carbon fiber frames, motors, and cameras.

In this area of the workshop, the drones from the first assembly room are taken and given either a radio frequency or a fiber-optic connection. They are tested to ensure the quality of the video signal is solid and the motors are working properly. If everything looks good, the drones are given weight to test their connection with something mimicking a warhead.

Exploding FPV drones in Ukraine are often armed with either a munition like an anti-tank rocket-propelled-grenade warhead or plastic explosives.

Eventually, the drones are taken to a site outside Kyiv, where they are tested in realistic conditions. This helps the company ensure they are ready for the battlefield.

Across the hall from where the spools are made and connection testing happens, 3DTech staff can be seen taking the spools and assembling the coils for the fiber-optic drones.

The coils vary depending on the drone. Some of the fiber-optic drones can travel over 15 miles and carry several pounds of explosives — which can devastate troop positions or armored vehicles.

At the end of the hall, the drone frames are packed in what look like pizza boxes. The batteries and fiber-optic spools are shipped separately.

From here, the products are sent to Ukrainian soldiers on the front lines either through direct sales to military units or through charity foundations. The cost of a drone starts at just a few hundred US dollars but goes up depending on size and specifications.

3DTech's chief engineer, Ilya Ronin, asked BI to be identified by his military call sign instead of his actual last name for security reasons. He said the biggest challenge for the operation was managing the talent.

"Technology is not so hard to learn; to train a person to work with the technology is much harder. It's always the hardest," he said via a translator.

"We have a huge problem in that the state partially fails to realize that everyone cannot be at the front," he said, explaining that "if everyone is with assault rifles, everyone will die."

He said that this is "where engineers are needed."

3DTech is one of dozens of Ukrainian companies making FPV drones. The production of these weapons has become a pillar of the country's booming defense industry; Kyiv recently announced plans to buy some 4.5 million FPV drones in 2025.

• Russia's invasion has turned Ukraine into the most heavily mined country in the world.
• Ukraine's deminers are tasked with cleaning up the deadly mess, which will take years.
• To help them do this safely, deminers use a small robot and other tools.

BILA TSERKVA, Ukraine — For the demining crews of Ukraine's State Emergency Services, removing Russian explosives is a dangerous game.

These individuals are tasked with cleaning up land mines, fallen missiles, and other unexploded ordnance from fields and villages across the Ukrainian countryside. Their work must be done cautiously, as one wrong move could prove fatal.

But even when the Russian bombs stop falling one day, the work will continue for years to come.

Ukraine is now the most heavily mined country in the world, with up to 23% of its territory potentially contaminated with land mines and unexploded ordnance, according to the United Nations Development Programme. Some other estimates say this figure is even higher; clearing such a mess will cost tens of billions of dollars.

To help clean up land mines and minimize the risk to humans, the State Emergency Service relies on a collection of drones and robots to spot and then remove the buried explosives. Business Insider recently met with two members of a 72-person demining unit that operates these tools to see how they work.

At a mine-clearing site south of Kyiv, the deminers explained to BI how they remove mines from the ground. One of the safest ways they do this is with the help of a small, remote-controlled robot resembling the character "WALL-E" from the animated film of the same name.

The robot can only clear anti-personnel mines like POM-3 or PFM-1 that are designed to be used against people and not anti-tank mines, which are more sensitive to heavier objects like vehicles. The Ukrainian mine-clearing unit does operate larger, remote-controlled vehicles that can tackle anti-tank mines.

The robot, which Ukraine got from Poland, is about the size of a carry-on suitcase, and it's controlled by a tablet-like device that shows the situation through a camera.

Volodymyr and Ivan, the two Ukrainian deminers, showed BI the robot in action.

Every move is slow and methodical and requires precision maneuvering by the operator, similar to an arcade claw machine. It has little plastic treads and can seamlessly transition from road to grass like a tank, though obviously a fraction of the size.

When the Ukrainian deminers arrive at a contaminated site, they size up the situation and decide which tool to use. They can either blow up the mines on the spot or use the robots to remove them with their claws and then detonate them later or disable the threat.

The unit prefers to work during the day since it is easier to spot threats on the ground. They work five days a week all around the Kyiv region and spend the other two days back at the base waiting for a call to clean up some potentially deadly mess.

The Ukrainian deminers told BI that they will be cleaning up mines for a very long time. But robots like this one make the job just a little easier — and a lot safer.

The small robot is part of a family of tools that Ukrainian deminers use to remove mines from the battlefield and civilian areas.

The unit has the larger ones to clear anti-tank mines and aerial drones to map out contaminated areas. And there's always the more old-school method of waving handheld detectors, but that carries much more risk.

Drones and robots have become an increasingly common presence in the Ukraine war, with both sides using small, remote-controlled vehicles and aircraft for both lethal and nonlethal tasks.

• Ukrainian forces said on Monday that they destroyed four Russian helicopters in the Belgorod region.
• Kyiv used US-provided HIMARS rockets to strike the aircraft, which included formidable Ka-52s.
• Ka-52s, used to attack ground targets, have been problematic for Ukraine throughout the war.

The Ukrainian military said on Monday that it used US-made rockets to destroy four Russian helicopters, including a pair of Moscow's vaunted Ka-52s.

Ukraine's Special Operations Forces said that they carried out the attack deep behind the front lines in Russia's Belgorod region and took out two Ka-52s and two Mi-8 helicopters.

SOF said that the strikes, which were coordinated with Kyiv's GUR military intelligence agency and other units, targeted a hidden staging area in the rear that Russia uses to stage helicopter attacks against Ukraine.

Footage shared by Ukraine's SOF and GUR showed four enemy helicopters parked in an open field. Several airstrikes could be seen in the area, followed by massive fireballs. Business Insider could not independently verify the combat video or the stated results of the operation.

Kyiv said it fired rockets from the US-provided M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, or HIMARS, at the targets, marking the latest public disclosure of the employment of American weaponry in deep strikes into Russia.

Specifically, Ukraine identified the ammunition used as the M30A2 Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System Alternative Warhead, made by US defense giant Lockheed Martin. The GMLRS-AW variant has a range of over 40 miles and delivers a fragmenting warhead that weighs 200 pounds.

In a statement posted to the Telegram messaging app, Ukraine's Special Operations Forces said that Russia "once again thought" that its forces were safe deep in the rear. "We have once again proven that there is nothing unattainable for the SSO," the SOF said, using the Ukrainian acronym. It's unclear when the strikes occurred.

The Kamov Ka-52 "Alligator" is an attack helicopter that Russian forces have used to relentlessly strike ground targets. These aircraft have been a headache for Ukrainian forces throughout the war, but especially during Kyiv's much-anticipated 2023 summer counteroffensive.

Meanwhile, the widely recognized Mil Mi-8 is a transport helicopter that Russia uses to shuttle personnel and cargo. These aging aircraft entered service in the 1960s and are flown by dozens of countries around the world, including Ukraine.

Russia has lost at least 64 Ka-52s and 40 Mi-8 helicopters, according to Oryx, an open-source intelligence site that tracks military equipment losses on both sides of the conflict.

The recent helicopter strikes come amid ongoing cease-fire talks involving Ukraine, Russia, and the US. Kyiv and Moscow appear to have agreed to a limited reduction in targeting, sparing each other's energy facilities. The two sides are working toward a similar arrangement regarding the Black Sea.

• The US military is sending another warship to guard the southern border with Mexico.
• The destroyer USS Spruance, which fought the Houthis in the Red Sea, will operate off the West Coast.
• It's the latest military asset to be deployed as part of Trump's border security efforts.

A second US Navy destroyer that spent months battling the Houthis in the Red Sea is being sent to the southern border to support military operations there.

The Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Spruance left its home port of San Diego on Saturday to support efforts to "restore territorial integrity" at the southern border, US Northern Command said in a statement.

NORTHCOM said that the deployment would contribute to the Pentagon's crackdown on maritime-related criminal activity, including weapons smuggling and illegal immigration. The Trump administration has made combating these issues and drug trafficking a priority and has dispatched a range of military assets to the US-Mexico border.

Last weekend, the Navy sent USS Gravely, another guided-missile destroyer, to the southern border. Air Force Lt. Gen Alexus Grynkewich, the director of operations for the Joint Staff, told reporters Monday that the warship will be "involved in the interdiction mission for any of the drugs and whatnot that are heading in."

The Spruance, like the Gravely, will be accompanied by a US Coast Guard Law Enforcement Detachment, operators that specialize in military operations at sea, such as counter-piracy, counter-terrorism, anti-immigration, and combat missions.

Destroyers like the Spruance bring a lot of firepower to a fight. They are equipped with 96 vertical launch system (VLS) cells carrying surface-to-air and land-attack missiles, as well as various guns, from the 5-inch deck gun to the Close-In Weapons System (CIWS) to machine guns. The ships also feature electronic warfare capabilities.

It's not entirely unusual for these warships to partake in drug interdiction missions, especially since maritime smuggling efforts can be rather sophisticated.

Gen. Gregory Guillot, the NORTHCOM commander, said that the Spruance's deployment as part of the southern border mission "brings additional capability and expands the geography of unique military capabilities working with the Department of Homeland Security."

"With Spruance off the West Coast and USS Gravely in the Gulf of America, our maritime presence contributes to the all-domain, coordinated DOD response to the Presidential Executive Order and demonstrates our resolve to achieve operational control of the border," Guillot added.

The Spruance and Gravely are being deployed for a mission very different from the Red Sea conflict in which both vessels fought.

On their previous deployments, the Spruance and Gravely spent months shooting down missiles and drones launched by the Houthi rebels in Yemen as part of their ongoing attacks on military and civilian vessels in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

The Navy has rotated carrier strike groups in and out of the Red Sea repeatedly as part of its efforts to stop the Houthi attacks. Last weekend, the US began a fresh campaign against the rebels and has been hitting them with airstrikes for several days.

• Ukrainian forces are using drones to release molten thermite on Russian armor and positions.
• The tactic helps Kyiv make sure that damaged Russian tanks can't be fixed up for battle again.
• BI visited one of the companies that produces this ammunition in Kyiv.

KYIV, Ukraine — The war in Ukraine has given birth to unimaginable drones, including ones that breathe fire.

In battlefield footage recently reviewed by Business Insider, a small Ukrainian drone slowly approaches a Russian tank, stalking its prey as it closes in.

The drone lands on the Russian armor and releases a plume of smoke, followed by a sudden and wild display of sparks, triggering a fire. Before long, the tank is completely engulfed in flames.

This fiery attack showcased a destructive tactic that Ukrainian forces are using to finish off incapacitated Russian tanks: They are strapping incendiary munitions on drones.

Volodymyr, who asked that BI use only his first name for security reasons, is a partner at a Ukrainian company that makes the ammunition. "It is used to set fire to already damaged vehicles so that the enemy cannot restore them," he told BI through a translator in Kyiv.

The company, known as "Burning Watermelon," makes a munition that disperses an incendiary material he identified as molten thermite. It is essentially a collection of small metal pieces that burn at temperatures of over 3,000 degrees Fahrenheit.

Russia has lost over 11,000 tanks and armored vehicles since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022, Britain's defense ministry said late last year.

Numerous Russian tanks have been destroyed in battle, devastated by anti-tank missiles, artillery, mines, and drones and loitering munitions. But others have suffered only mobility kills that have left them incapacitated. In those instances, troops may abandon the vehicle and attempt to get it back later for repair.

For Ukraine, it's important that Russia's damaged tanks and armored vehicles stay down so they can't be repaired and sent back into battle. That's where the molten thermite comes into play.

Burning Watermelon produces small, sleek-looking munitions that can be attached to a drone like a regular explosive payload. The drone can then either disperse the thermite onto a vehicle below or fly directly onto it, land, and spray the material kind of like a smoke grenade would do, causing a fire that may render a tank permanently inoperable.

Volodymyr said the thermite ammunition "produces a high temperature and stable ignition of the entire ammunition evenly," allowing it to destroy dugouts and vehicles alike.

Burning Watermelon started out producing smoke bombs for Ukraine's military to use for training purposes and to evacuate the wounded safely. The company later started making ammunition that burned like a flare, which could set concealed Russian positions on fire.

Volodymyr said Russia is mainly focused on protecting its equipment against shrapnel, which they do with combustible materials like rubber. However, the trade-off is that this makes the equipment more vulnerable to the thermite.

"It helps against shrapnel, but it all burns very well," he said of Russian protections.

The thermite ammunition weighs between 500 grams and 2.5 kilograms (1.1 to 5.5 pounds) and costs from 20 to 30 euros ($21 to 33 USD), depending on the variant. Burning Watermelon can produce 20,000 units a month at its facilities across the country and then ship them off to soldiers on the front lines.

"For a small price," Volodymyr explained, "a soldier gets a high-quality tool for work if he needs to destroy something."

Burning Watermelon's fire-breathing munitions can also be used on other targets, not just armored vehicles. BI reviewed footage of a drone spewing incendiary material onto a tree line below, presumably targeting Russian positions or equipment hidden among the trees.

When the drones release the thermite, it looks like a bright, burning yellow rain, earning it the name "Golden Rain," according to Volodymyr. He said Ukrainian soldiers call this type of ammunition "Dracarys," a reference to the command that makes a dragon breathe fire in the hit television series "Game of Thrones."

Videos of this tactic began to surface in the fall; a Ukrainian drone would light up a tree line, wrecking it with small patches of fire.

Thermite-dispensing drones are one of the many innovative weapons that Ukraine's defense industry is cranking out to defeat the Russians. Small, uncrewed aircraft of all shapes and sizes with a wide range of mission sets have become a defining and prolific aspect of the three-year-long war.

Some drones release munitions onto Russian positions below, while others fly directly into armored vehicles before detonating. Kyiv has even built drones that can launch other drones, operating as a sort of mothership.

• Ukrainian forces carried out an attack on an airbase deep inside Russia this week.
• New satellite images reveal extensive damage at the Engels-2 airbase.
• It marks Ukraine's latest deep-strike operation as Kyiv attempts to degrade Russia's war machine.

New satellite imagery obtained by Business Insider shows damage at a key airbase deep inside Russia after a Ukrainian attack earlier in the week.

Ukraine's military said on Thursday that its forces struck the Engels-2 airfield in Russia's Saratov region overnight. It added that a fire, explosions, and a secondary detonation of ammunition were observed in the immediate vicinity of the base.

Maxar, a US commercial satellite imaging company, collected photos on Friday that revealed the aftermath of the attack. It said the strikes damaged an ammunition and weapons storage area, with explosions taking down buildings and bunkers.

The Russian airbase sits several hundred miles from the front lines and is home to Tu-95 and Tu-160 bomber aircraft. Ukraine has attacked the airfield several times during the war. This was the third attack this year; Kyiv conducted strikes on Engels twice in January.

Kyiv's military said that Russia uses the Engels airbase to launch aircraft that carry out missile strikes against targets on Ukrainian territory, including civilian targets.

The Russian governor of the Saratov region wrote on the Telegram messaging platform that the area suffered "the most massive UAV attack of all time" after the overnight strikes.

Russia has taken extensive measures to protect the aircraft at Engels after previous attacks on the base, including placing tires on the bombers to possibly shield them from Ukrainian missiles and drones. Russia has also relocated some of its bombers further east.

Ukraine's strikes on the base, as well as other cross-border targets, highlight its larger campaign to threaten and degrade Russia's military infrastructure hundreds of miles away from the front lines.

This week's attack on the base came amid a larger barrage. Russia's defense ministry said on Thursday that it had engaged and shot down 134 drones overnight across multiple regions.

Meanwhile, Russia has been continuing its bombardment of Ukraine; Moscow launched over 200 drones and missiles at Ukraine overnight on Wednesday, according to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

Russia and Ukraine have discussed a limited cease-fire, with the US serving as an intermediary. Last week, Kyiv signaled its openness to an immediate 30-day cease-fire, but Moscow has continued its missile barrages on Ukrainian civilians and critical infrastructure. The two countries, however, appear to have agreed to a reduction in attacks on energy facilities.

• Boeing has been selected to build the US Air Force's sixth-gen fighter aircraft.
• The Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) fighter is expected to succeed the F-22 Raptor as the top air dominance fighter.
• President Trump said on Friday that the new aircraft will be known as the F-47.

The way forward for the US Air Force's mysterious sixth-generation fighter aircraft is clearer. The president revealed that it has a name, and Boeing Co. will build the new jet.

President Donald Trump announced at the White House on Friday that Boeing, a US aerospace giant, is being awarded a lucrative contract to build the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) fighter, which is set to succeed the stealth F-22 Raptor, the world's first fifth-generation fighter jet.

Trump, who was flanked by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, said the new aircraft will be known as the F-47, and hailed it as the most advanced, capable, and lethal aircraft "ever built."

"Nothing in the world comes even close to it," the president said in the Oval Office.

The NGAD is expected to succeed the Lockheed Martin-manufactured F-22, which entered service two decades ago, as the Air Force's top air superiority fighter and will be built to operate alongside drones.

The program is considered a "family of systems" and is expected to work with uncrewed Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) that function as semiautonomous "loyal wingmen" for the new aircraft.

The latest movement in the development of the NGAD fighter comes as the US military looks across the Pacific at China, which the Pentagon has identified as its "pacing challenge." Beijing's long-range air defenses and electronic warfare capabilities have advanced dramatically since the F-22 ended production. China's military has also fielded capable fifth-generation fighters and flown what seem to be sixth-gen fighter prototypes.

These developments by a top US military rival make the coming NGAD fighter, which top Air Force officials have said needs to be able to achieve air superiority and penetrate contested combat environments, critical.

The new fighter aircraft's exact design is unclear, but it will presumably include advanced stealth technology and other high-end sensors beyond the top capabilities of current fifth-gen aircraft.

Boeing's share price jumped while Lockheed's dropped as the NGAD news dropped on Friday.

Trump said an experimental version of the aircraft has secretly been flying for almost five years. He said the plane will have unprecedented speed, maneuverability, and payload capacity, as well as low observability.

"We're confident that it massively overpowers the capabilities of any other nation," Trump told reporters in the Oval Office, adding that the new fighter aircraft will be equipped with "state-of-the-art stealth technologies," making it "virtually unseeable."

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin called the F-47 the "crown jewel" in the NGAD family of systems.

"This is allowing us to look into the future and unlock the magic that is human-machine teaming, and as we do that, we are going to write the next generation of modern aerial warfare," Allvin said in the Oval Office.

The Air Force paused the NGAD program last year to review its goals and requirements in depth. Service leaders under the Biden administration then decided to delegate decision-making to the incoming Trump officials. The president was recently briefed on the program.

In its 2025 budget proposal, the Air Force set almost $20 billion for the NGAD program.

Boeing and Lockheed previously competed for the US military's Joint Strike Fighter program, with Lockheed's X-35 edging out Boeing's X-32 for the contract. The fifth-generation F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter is in service with American and allied forces.

• Ukrainian soldiers have received a number of Western arms seen as upgrades to their Soviet-era weapons.
• For its Special Operations Forces, one upgrade was when they got American M4s.
• A soldier told BI that it was a tough transition for some, but they eventually got the hang of it.

Ukrainian special operators needed a minute to get the hang of M4 carbines when they traded their classic Soviet-era rifles for the American weapon, a Ranger recently told Business Insider. A lack of ammo didn't help.

The soldier goes by the call sign Harley and is with the 4th Ranger Regiment, a Ukrainian special operations unit patterned after its US Army counterparts. He said that SOF units started the war in February 2022 with Soviet-designed Kalashnikovs. After a few weeks, they received US-made M4A1s, changing both the training and combat.

Harley, who spoke to BI through a translator, said that he had previous experience with the M4 before the Russians invaded, so it wasn't a big deal for him to make the transition away from the Kalashnikov rifles.

However, he said, the switch was a bit of a problem for many of his fellow soldiers at first. The Ukrainians weren't used to the M4, so they had to overcome some psychological barriers and past habits.

"But when a rifle shows results, it quickly changes your mind to it," he said.

The M4 carbine is a widely popular weapon developed in the 1980s by the American gun maker Colt's Manufacturing Company. It's a shorter version of the M16 used by the US military and dozens of other countries, and it fires 5.56×45 mm NATO rounds. This is a change from the Soviet Kalashnikovs, also widely used, which fire 7.62x39 mm ammunition.

The Kalashnikov, represented by firearms like the AK-47 and AK-74, is a very recognizable collection of assault rifles that were originally designed and produced in the Soviet Union. Given Ukraine's history with Soviet weaponry, the country is more accustomed to these rifles.

One of the biggest issues during the transition, Harley said, was that the Ukrainian soldiers didn't receive enough M4 bullets — only around 100 per soldier each day — for training at the start of the war. They did, however, have plenty of rounds for the Kalashnikovs.

An American sniper previously told BI that he prefers the Soviet weapons because the ammunition is easier to come by. The Ukrainians have a lot of it, and they can always take bullets off the Russians, too.

"When you don't train well, it's difficult for you in operations," Harley said. "Of course, in operations, no one limited us to ammunition, and we had as much ammunition as we wanted. But it was during training that, at first, we did not have enough ammunition to prepare properly and raise our hits to the level required."

Harley said that once the Ukrainian soldiers started using the M4 in combat missions, they became comfortable with the rifles.

Beyond the ammunition and psychological barriers, the upgrade had only advantages. They eventually received enough bullets for extensive training.

"Now this situation has changed, we have everything available," he told BI earlier this month. "We have raised our level of proficiency with this weapon."

The switch from the Kalashnikovs to the M4 is one of many examples where, after Russia launched its full-scale invasion, Ukrainian troops traded Soviet-designed weaponry for Western-made combat equipment. Ukrainian soldiers are fighting in American Bradley infantry fighting vehicles instead of BMPs, F-16 fighter jets instead of old MiGs and Sukhois, and Abrams tanks instead of T-72 tanks.

Harley said that later in the war, the SOF received and started using the DDM4 rifle, which is similar to the M4A1. He said this weapon combines some of the characteristics of an assault rifle and a sniper rifle, allowing for flexibility in missions.

Since Russia invaded, Ukraine's Western backers have given it weapons to boost its defensive capabilities. Beyond tanks, armored vehicles, and fighters, the war-torn country has also received artillery, air defenses, and long-range missiles.

It hasn't always been the smoothest process, with Western indecision and delays at times causing Ukraine to miss critical windows of opportunity. It continues to be a challenge even now as Ukraine is in negotiations to potentially end the war.

• The US military published new footage showing its aircraft using rockets to destroy Houthi drones.
• The footage underscores how US fighter jets can use munitions that are cheaper than air-to-air missiles.
• The air-to-air engagement comes amid a new chapter in the Red Sea conflict.

The US military published a video on Wednesday offering a rare look at an air-to-air kill from the Red Sea fight. It shows American fighter aircraft eliminating Houthi drones with cheap, guided rockets costing only a fraction of the price of top air-to-air missiles.

The hit highlights a cost-effective way for American jets to take down Houthi drones, which have been a persistent threat, along with missiles, for well over a year now.

US Central Command, which oversees Middle East operations, said Wednesday that a US fighter aircraft shot down a Houthi one-way attack drone using APKWS laser-guided rockets. The footage shows two drones exploding above the water.

The AGR-20 FALCO Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System, or APKWS, are unguided Hydra 70 2.75-inch rockets equipped with laser guidance kits to turn them into precision weapons. The rockets are nearly 19 inches long and less than 3 inches in diameter, making them quite slim.

Gen. David Allvin, the Air Force Chief of Staff, said the APKWS costs just $35,000 a piece — a fraction of one of the air-to-air missiles that could have been used instead to take down the drone. For instance, he said, the AIM-9 missile costs around $500,000, while the AIM-120 is more than double that at around $1 million.

The cost of the rockets is more closely aligned with the price tag of a Houthi drone, which is likely in the range of tens of thousands of dollars. Officials have said that using an expensive missile to intercept this kind of threat is on the wrong side of the cost curve.

"More savings. More lethality. More Air Force," Allvin wrote on social media on Wednesday.

CENTCOM did not disclose when or where the engagement occurred, nor did it say what aircraft used the APKWS to shoot down the Houthi drones. These rockets can be fired from a range of aircraft. A US official told The War Zone earlier this year that US Air Force F-16s had used the rockets against Houthi drones.

Years earlier, the Air Force tested the air-to-ground rockets as a cheaper air-to-air kill solution.

The footage comes amid a fresh campaign of US airstrikes against the Houthis in Yemen. The Trump administration has vowed to intensify its efforts to deter the rebel group from attacking military and civilian vessels transiting key Middle East shipping lanes.

The new campaign began on Saturday, with CENTCOM saying that it had "initiated a series of operations consisting of precision strikes against Iran-backed Houthi targets across Yemen to defend American interests, deter enemies, and restore freedom of navigation."

Air Force Lt. Gen Alexus Grynkewich, the director of operations for the Joint Staff, said Monday that the initial wave of strikes hit over 30 Houthi targets at multiple locations in Yemen, including training sites, drone infrastructure, weapons storage facilities, and command centers.

Grynkewich told reporters at a briefing that the operation extended into Sunday and Monday and would continue for several days "until we achieve the president's objectives."

CENTCOM has published footage this week showing flight operations aboard the USS Harry S. Truman — the latest US aircraft carrier to see combat against the Houthis — as well as missile launches from warships in its strike group.

And President Donald Trump has suddenly taken an aggressive approach to the Houthi conflict after a period of relative quiet in the Red Sea. He has vowed to keep striking the rebels and even threatened to go after Iran, their main supporter and provider of military assistance.

"Tremendous damage has been inflicted upon the Houthi barbarians, and watch how it will get progressively worse — It's not even a fair fight, and never will be. They will be completely annihilated!" Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform on Wednesday.

• A Ukrainian sniper described how he made the jump from a hunting rifle to a US-made Barrett MRAD sniper rifle.
• He told BI that the US-made Barrett had a positive effect on operations.
• He said that the Barrett was more accurate than the hunting rifle with which he started the war.

A Ukrainian Special Operations Forces sniper told Business Insider that it made a huge difference in battle when he traded out his civilian hunting rifle for a US-made Barrett MRAD, a weapon the US military embraced years ago for its versatility.

The sniper said that he only used his hunting rifle for a short period in the fall of 2023 before upgrading to the Barrett sniper rifle.

Harley is a Ranger in Ukraine's Special Operations Forces 4th Regiment. He told BI through a translator that when Russia launched its full-scale invasion, he went to war with his hunting rifle from US gunmaker Savage Arms. Then he got his hands on the MRAD, or Multi-role Adaptaptive Design, rifle from Barrett Firearms.

Both guns are bolt-action rifles, but Harley described the Savage as a civilian rifle, not a military one. By contrast, the Barrett rifle was created specifically to meet the requirements of a US Special Operations Command, or SOCOM, sniper rifle program. Different US service branches have picked up the rifle over the years. The weapon is also used by other militaries, including Ukraine.

Harley said that he received the MRAD chambered in .338 Lapua Magnum. The interesting thing about the MRAD, though, is that it can be chambered in different calibers. The sniper said he could change out the barrel in training, using cheaper, more readily available .308 ammunition. He said it gives him greater flexibility.

Different calibers support different mission sets, so the ability to change the barrel and caliber of the rifle out in the field is exceptionally advantageous. The US Army has described this rifle as "a multi-caliber, bolt-action sniper rifle, which is effective against personnel and material targets at extreme ranges."

Harley also praised the Barrett for having a more accurate barrel than the Savage.

"I can say that the rifle is very good," Harley said of the Barrett. He could not disclose whether he's had any confirmed kills as a sniper.

Harley stressed that it's not just the weapon that matters in combat. The attachments can make a difference in effectiveness. He can outfit his MRAD rifle with add-ons like thermal imaging attachments, night vision sights, and laser guidance to give him an edge in battle.

"The rifle itself will do nothing without a sight, without a night vision device, without a night observation device," he said. The Barrett attachments allow him to work during the day and night.

A sniper has a unique ability to send precision fire down range for a kill, typically from concealed positions, but they often support operations in other ways, such as targeting and overwatch. The rifle is a valuable tool in those missions, even if a shot is never fired.

Harley described how he could find a Russian target and highlight it for a fellow soldier operating a Mk 19 grenade launcher, who could then drop a high-explosive round on the Russian target. In other words, the Barrett shouldn't be viewed as just an individual weapon but rather part of a bigger system of capabilities.

Harley used the Barrett for a year until last fall, when he became an instructor. During his years in active combat operations, he was sent to different sectors of the front line.

• President Trump and Vladimir Putin agreed Tuesday to set in motion a partial cease-fire.
• Ukraine's Zelenskyy appeared to agree on Wednesday to a reduction in attacks on energy facilities.
• But there are still serious — and difficult — questions ahead to end Russia's war on Ukraine.

The US and Russia met to talk about a cease-fire deal. Russia's not ready to take that step yet, but Kyiv and Moscow have found something they can agree on: not blowing up each other's energy infrastructure.

President Donald Trump spoke on Tuesday with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin. The two leaders agreed on a preliminary reduction in missile and drone attacks on Ukraine's energy and infrastructure, setting the stage for follow-on negotiations, according to a White House readout of the call. That does not end Russia's effort to seize more land from Ukraine, which is happening amid a reduction in US arms support.

"The leaders agreed that the movement to peace will begin with an energy and infrastructure ceasefire, as well as technical negotiations on implementation of a maritime ceasefire in the Black Sea, full ceasefire and permanent peace," the US readout said. "These negotiations will begin immediately in the Middle East."

The readout lays out a framework for further talks to end the war, but it was unclear whether Ukraine will be part of those direct negotiations and whether the Russian leader is actually willing to end the war.

Trump followed up his call with Putin by speaking on Wednesday with Zelenskyy. Per a White House readout of that call, the two leaders agreed to stop attacking each other's energy facilities.

Washington said teams will meet in Saudi Arabia in the coming days to discuss expanding the cease-fire to the Black Sea and then later to a full cease-fire. Trump and Zelenskyy "agreed this could be the first step toward the full end of the war and ensuring security."

It has been a hard road, and there are tough questions hanging over the Trump administration's efforts to end the bloodshed in this three-year war that Russia launched to dominate Ukraine at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives and devastated cities and towns.

Some of the looming questions are whether a cease-fire deal, as Trump has sought, is achievable and will hold, how Kyiv's security can be guaranteed, and what will deter Russia from invading again. On some of these issues, the history is far from reassuring.

Ukraine will almost certainly need to maintain a large standing force and a wartime defense industry, with Western arms backing, to defend itself if the front lines are frozen. An added element would be an international peacekeeping force of 30,000 that still may not be enough to slow a renewed Russian offensive. Right now, Russia is demanding a militarily weakened Ukraine devoid of Western military support as a requirement for peace talks.

Can Russia be trusted?

The biggest challenge with a cease-fire deal if it comes together could be getting it to actually hold. Russia has violated previous agreements with Ukraine since the invasion first began in 2014, not to mention earlier ones.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy voiced these concerns during last month's Oval Office meeting with Trump and Vice President JD Vance when the Ukrainian leader pointed to the fact that Putin broke a cease-fire deal with Kyiv in 2019. The Ukrainian president was then accused of not wanting peace.

Kyiv has long feared that a cease-fire would be a respite for the bruised Russian army, a breather before it takes another swing. Russia, which has the battlefield initiative and is closing the Kursk salient while pressing forward inside Ukraine, has signaled it is unwilling to give the Ukrainians a chance to rest.

Defense experts at the Council on Foreign Relations wrote in a January analysis of efforts to end this war that "Ukraine will need to determine how to deter Russia from using any period of calm as an opportunity to rearm, wait for the world to lower its collective guard, and then attack again."

Trump has said that he trusts Putin. The same can't be said for Zelenskyy.

The distrust between Kyiv and Moscow could be trouble in negotiations. Mark Cancian, a defense expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said Ukraine's "stumbling block" will be security guarantees. He told BI that Russia would also need to step back from maximum demands regarding Ukrainian sovereignty, territory, and disarmament to get to a cessation of hostilities.

It is very possible that a cease-fire without strong arms support to Ukraine and a reduction in Russian demands fails to end, or even substantially pause, the war.

The US has significant leverage over Ukraine because of its heavy arms support, but excluding Ukraine from direct talks with Russia may lead to a flawed cease-fire framework.

Can Ukraine's security be guaranteed?

Following Tuesday's talks, the Russian leader said that he wants Western countries to halt efforts to arm Ukraine as a condition to end the war, according to Russian state media. This particular demand raises questions about Ukraine's security during the cease-fire process.

Kyiv has repeatedly asked NATO for considerable security guarantees as part of a cease-fire deal with Russia. Ukraine is the second largest country in Europe and defends a 600-mile frontline through its land from the Black Sea to its northern border with Russia.

While the UK and France have both indicated they are willing to send forces to Ukraine as part of a multinational security presence to ensure that Russia doesn't violate a cease-fire, Moscow has said it will not accept NATO countries participating in such plans. Even if it warms to the idea, it's a delicate and tricky situation.

Ben Barry, a senior fellow for land warfare at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said in an analysis that a multinational force would demand structure, including an overarching strategy, unambiguous rules of engagement, and a very clear mission statement, among all the various other political and military considerations.

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said last month that any security guarantees must come from European and non-European militaries and not be deployed as part of a NATO mission. He said the US would not send troops to Ukraine.

However, Vance said just days later that the US could send troops to Ukraine if Russia doesn't negotiate in good faith.

Michael Waltz, Trump's national security advisor, said over the weekend that Ukraine might have to concede territory to Russia in exchange for security guarantees; Russia still occupies around 20% of Ukrainian territory in the east and south. What these guarantees might ultimately be remains uncertain.

"Security guarantees must be tangible," Cancian said, noting that assurances on paper mean very little.

"We saw from the Budapest agreements of 1994 that signatures on a piece of paper are just that," Cancian said of the agreement that pledged the US, UK, and Russia wouldn't use force against Ukraine if it gave up its nuclear weapons. Russia then invaded the country exactly two decades later.

If Ukraine can't get Western forces to help ensure its security, history paints a bleak picture of potential outcomes. The Korean War is a frozen conflict, one in which aggression is deterred by around 30,000 US troops and the American nuclear umbrella. The grim alternatives when a country's security isn't guaranteed can be seen in the collapse of South Vietnam and Afghanistan.

Experts say that Ukraine needs to bolster its defenses to be self-sufficient, regardless of security guarantees.

In their CFR analysis, Paul Stares and Michael O'Hanlon argued that any strategy should focus on strengthening Ukraine's military with strong deterrence abilities. They argued that post-war force planning should start now.

Stares and O'Hanlon said that Ukraine needs a multilayered territorial defense system for the territory it still controls.

"This step," they wrote, "would comprise a hardened outer defense perimeter, a strategic rapid-response force to respond to serious threats, and enhanced protection for major population centers and critical infrastructure." They called for an active-duty force of 500,000 and nearly the same in ready reserve.

To deter Russian military power, Ukraine will need to further fortify its long lines with Russia and rebuild its arsenal with an aim that should Russian forces attack, they will be slowed by a defense-in-depth strategy, buying time for Ukraine to counter-attack. Layered defenses have proven effective and contributed to the war's largely static lines.

An international peacekeeping force could serve as conflict monitors. They could also have orders to assist Ukraine in fighting off a renewed Russian attack, a contribution that may be especially useful if they have air forces with stand-off weapons that can airstrike Russian assault columns.

Can Russia be deterred?

Ukrainian and European officials have said that hard military power and smart decision-making are needed to deter potential future Russian aggression.

The European parliament said last week that Ukraine "must be empowered to reject hasty deals that weaken its security in the mid- and long-term and risk subjecting it and other European countries to renewed Russian aggression in the future."

A belligerent Russia poses a threat beyond Ukraine. It has one of the world's largest arms industries and is mass-producing the firepower needed to advance on modern battlefields. Analysts worry it may only need a few years to regroup to re-attack Ukraine or seek conquest elsewhere.

Parallel to the Ukraine war, there have been consistent concerns about increasing Russian aggression on NATO soil, especially amid questions of US support for the alliance under the Trump administration. These developments have pushed European countries to rearm and strengthen their militaries to deter Moscow.

"In Europe, the long-term risk is a renewal of conflict after Russia has been able to rebuild its military forces," said Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel. "In the Pacific, the risk is that China will see this partial Putin victory as an encouraging precedent for taking over Taiwan."

Russia could choose to go after Ukraine again. It could choose another target. Ukraine isn't the first European country it's invaded. How this war eventually ends will shape Moscow's thinking, either deterring or emboldening it.

Editor's note: This article was originally published on March 18 and was updated the following day with information from the White House readout of Trump's discussion with Zelenskyy.

• Ukraine uses a drone that resembles a small airplane to bomb Russian targets behind the front lines.
• The Backfire drone offers a solution to strike deep without compromising payload, its maker says.
• A soldier who uses the drone told BI that it's an effective weapon for combat missions.

KYIV, Ukraine — Ukrainian forces have a small, fixed-wing "bomber" drone called the Backfire that they use to carry out strikes deep behind enemy lines, hitting Russian command centers, artillery, and weapon storage sites.

The Backfire drone, made by the Ukrainian company Zli Ptakhy, has emerged as a way for the country to execute penetrating bombing missions without compromising payload. Kyiv has made significant strides in the development of deep-strike drone capabilities as a substitute for long-range missiles, which Ukraine lacked at the onset of the fighting.

In separate interviews with Business Insider, a Zli Ptakhy representative and a Ukrainian soldier whose unit fields the Backfire described the drone as an effective weapon. They said the aircraft provides its operators with a good mix of range, explosive power, and durability.

The Backfire started as a collaboration between Ukraine's military and defense industry, which sought to build something that could penetrate deep behind the front lines.

The drone began participating in combat missions on a regular basis in 2023. Since then, it's been a nonstop process to improve the aircraft — from the airframe to the engine — as the Ukrainian military continuously provides feedback on the aircraft's battlefield performance.

The aircraft, which costs around $20,000, has a propellor on its nose like classic fixed-wing aircraft. Much smaller than a crewed plane, it has a wingspan of more than 11 feet and is 6 feet in length. A three-person crew can launch the bomber drone from a catapult in minutes.

The Backfire drone has a range of roughly 90 miles, a typical cruising speed of around 60 mph, and the ability to carry out bombing missions at altitudes between 150 and 1,000 feet. It can carry a payload of over 12 pounds and release mortars, grenades, or mines on targets below.

The choice of ordnance is flexible and ultimately depends on the specifics of the mission.

Anton Eine, the Zli Ptakhy representative, said the drone could "carpet bomb" Russian positions below. His brother Alex, the section commander of a drone unit in Ukraine's Separate Presidential Brigade, said the Backfire could drop mines to be remotely detonated at a later time as an alternative payload.

The Backfire has mainly been used in combat missions along the southern direction of the front lines. Alex's unit, known in English as the "Birds of Fury" and which primarily uses the Backfire drone, works in the Kherson region and flies the drone across the Dnipro River into Russian-held territory.

The aim is to catch the Russians off guard. "We are doing our missions deep behind enemy lines, so they are not expecting our flight," he said.

The two brothers said that Zli Ptakhy struck a balance with the Backfire. Some drones carry more explosives. Some fly farther. Some don't come back, like the exploding first-person-view quadcopter drones used all along the front.

"Backfire is the golden ratio between the cost, the reusability, payload, and range," Alex said.

The Backfire is a multi-use drone. It's able to carry out dozens of missions and is easily repairable if it gets damaged in flight or during landing, which sometimes requires a parachute to slow it down.

"It's a very efficient weapon," Anton said.

The Backfire has been shot down and faces similar challenges to other drones: high-intensity electronic warfare, or signal jamming, across the front lines. Both Russia and Ukraine rely heavily on electronic warfare tactics to interfere with enemy weaponry like drones and munitions.

Anton said that the Backfire met little resistance when it first started flying. But over time, the Russians started deploying more air defenses and employing tougher electronic warfare. This development has forced operators to try out new tactics, like flying the drone at higher or lower altitudes; the latter increases the chances of it being shot down.

"It's pushing us — and all the producers of the drones — to look for solutions how to overcome the radio electronic warfare," Anton explained, saying that they have "to look for new kinds of antennas, new solutions for navigation and connection."

"It's an endless chase," he added. "Each time it happens that someone finds the solution to overcome enemy counter-solutions, and then the game changes."

Ukrainian officials have described the weapons race between Kyiv and Moscow as a cat-and-mouse affair, with both sides trying to best the other with their war technology and innovation.

The Ukrainian military wants the Backfire to have a higher payload, longer range, better strike precision, and more efficient electronic warfare resistance. It's a tall order, but Zli Ptakhy is closing in on doubling its payload and expanding the drone's range. The company can produce dozens of the drones a month in production facilities at undisclosed locations around Ukraine.

Zli Ptakhy is one of many Ukrainian companies making drones of all shapes, sizes, and capabilities for the country's military as it continues to defend against Russia's invasion.

Drone production has been the cornerstone of Kyiv's booming defense industry. The government in Kyiv recently announced plans to purchase around 4.5 million FPV drones this year alone.

• The US is flying U-2 "Dragon Lady" spy planes on patrol missions around the southern border.
• The top Air Force officer confirmed the involvement of the aircraft last Friday.
• The U-2 planes join other surveillance aircraft on missions around the US-Mexico border.

The US military has its high-altitude U-2 "Dragon Lady" spy planes and other reconnaissance aircraft flying patrol missions along the southern border, a senior Air Force officer has confirmed on social media.

US Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin said Friday that U-2, RC-135, and remotely piloted aircraft — or drone — crews are providing intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance support for US Northern Command at the border "to restore sovereignty and protect American communities."

The Trump administration has deployed a range of American military assets to the US southern border with Mexico as part of the crackdown on illegal immigration and the drug cartels, which officials have said are national security concerns. Deployed military assets include aircraft, ground forces, armored vehicles, and even warships.

US Air Force and Navy planes have been flying ISR missions around Mexico for several weeks now.

The U-2 is a high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft that can fly at over 70,000 feet and collect intelligence. Made by Lockheed Corporation, it was introduced in the mid-1950s and has been operated by the Air Force and CIA since then. During the Cold War, it flew over the Soviet Union and other communist countries.

One of these planes was famously shot down in 1960 by Soviet Air Defense Forces.

The high-flying U-2 can provide signals, imagery, electronic measurements, and signature intelligence, also known as MASINT. They are based at the 9th Reconnaissance Wing at Beale Air Force Base in California, although they are rotated to operational detachments around the world.

Because U-2 planes operate at such high altitudes, on the edge of space, the pilots wear full-pressure suits like those worn by astronauts. The aircraft have been upgraded throughout its service life, and the 33 that are still active were built in the 1980s. The aircraft is likely looking at retirement in the next few years, possibly as early as next year.

CNN reported the U-2's involvement in the border missions last month, but Allvin's comments on X last Friday appear to be the first public confirmation of its involvement.

Meanwhile, the RC-135 Rivet Joint is a reconnaissance aircraft that was introduced in the 1960s. Allvin didn't specify what kind of drones are involved, but CNN reported in February that MQ-9 Reaper drones had been flying covert missions inside Mexican airspace to monitor the cartels.

Among the ISR aircraft flying missions on the border, P-8 Poseidon maritime reconnaissance aircraft have also been reported to be involved.

The Trump administration has made the southern border one of its main priorities, dispatching a large amount of military hardware to the area in a bid to tackle immigration and drug smuggling into the US.

President Donald Trump issued an executive order declaring a national emergency at the US-Mexico border at the start of his term. Since then, the Pentagon has dispatched thousands of troops, Black Hawk and Chinook helicopters, and Stryker armored personnel carriers to the area. A Navy destroyer, USS Gravely, that was involved in the Red Sea conflict has also been deployed.

• Ukraine has a new version of its Neptune missile with a longer range.
• Kyiv said the new weapon has a reach of over 600 miles and has already been used in combat.
• The Neptune began as an anti-ship cruise missile but was later modified for land attack missions.

Ukraine has a new version of its homemade Neptune cruise missile for longer-range attacks, expanding the country's deep-strike arsenal, and it says it has already used the weapon against Russia.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Saturday that he received "significant" news on the country's missile program, specifically that the "Long Neptune" had been tested and successfully used in combat.

"A new Ukrainian missile, an accurate strike. The range is a thousand kilometers (or 620 miles)," Zelenskyy said in a post on the Telegram messaging platform. "Thank you to our Ukrainian developers, manufacturers, and military. We continue to work to guarantee Ukrainian security."

The Long Neptune missile is a bigger version of Kyiv's R-360 Neptune anti-ship missile, a subsonic truck-launched munition that Ukraine previously modified to strike land targets. It's made by the Ukrainian defense manufacturer Luch Design Bureau.

The new missile has been in the works for some time. Last year, Ukraine's defense minister, Rustem Umerov, said that serial production of Neptune missiles had expanded and that they were being upgraded to strike at longer ranges. The munition could previously hit targets over 200 miles away.

Ukraine has used Neptune missiles to strike high-value Russian targets, including the cruiser Moskva, once the flagship of the Black Sea Fleet, in the early days of Russia's full-scale invasion. The missile has also been used to attack high-end air defense batteries and oil terminals.

Ukrainska Pravda said sources told the outlet the Long Neptune missile was used late last week to strike an oil refinery in the Russian city of Tuapse, some 300 miles from the front lines. That would mark one of Ukraine's latest strikes targeting Moscow's energy sector as Kyiv looks to deprive its neighbor of critical revenue.

The new missile exceeds the ranges of the ground- and air-launched missiles Ukraine received from its Western partners. The weapon comes as Kyiv's booming defense industry becomes increasingly self-reliant.

The Neptune is part of a growing arsenal of homemade munitions as Ukraine looks to strengthen its deep-strike capabilities with missiles and drones. Kyiv has used its arsenal to hit key Russian airfields, ammunition storage warehouses, and energy facilities.