• Kieran Culkin won the best supporting actor award for "A Real Pain" at the 2025 Oscars.
• Culkin has been in the industry since he was a child.
• Fellow Oscar winners Leonardo DiCaprio and Jodie Foster were child stars, too.

Kieran Culkin concluded his awards season with a bang, winning the Oscar for best supporting actor thanks to his performance as Benji Kaplan in Jesse Eisenberg's "A Real Pain."

But while Culkin may be best known for his Oscar-winning role and as Roman Roy in the satirical drama "Succession," the 42-year-old has been in the spotlight for decades.

Turns out, there was more than one Culkin in the "Home Alone" movies; Kieran played Fuller McCallister, a cousin of Kevin McCallister, famously played by Culkin's older brother, Macaulay.

"What Kieran loves more than anything is for people to go up to him when they meet him and talk about 'Home Alone,' so I did, yeah," Eisenberg told People about his costar in January.

Culkin's journey from child star to Oscar winner isn't unique, either. From Leonardo DiCaprio to Jodie Foster, here are 10 Oscar winners who got their start as children.

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The U.S. pledged more than $65 billion in military assistance to Ukraine under the Biden administration, but President Trump has indicated he may soon pull the plug.

The big picture: Following a contentious televised meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, Trump is debating his next steps in the crisis with Ukraine, including a possible suspension of U.S. military aid.

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• The move, which comes as Trump pushes for peace talks, would be detrimental to Ukraine's ability to defend itself against Russia.
• While Trump has not authorized a new assistance package for Ukraine, billions of dollars of equipment committed under Biden remains in different stages along the delivery pipeline, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

Zoom in: The CSIS report found that it typically takes about eight months from the announcement of an arms package to the completion of the delivery.

• That suggests much of what Biden promised in his last year in office has likely not yet been delivered — thought the Pentagon did attempt to surge deliveries in Biden's final weeks.
• It takes even longer — often several years — for weapons coming from U.S. defense contractors, rather than existing stockpiles, to be delivered.
• It would therefore take years to deliver what the U.S. has already promised.

Between the lines: With no aid announced since Trump took office, the deliveries to Ukraine from the U.S. have slowed, and remaining shipments of ammunition and equipment authorized under Biden could be canceled soon, a Trump administration official told the New York Times Friday.

• The administration does have the authority to stop the shipments, despite promises made by the previous administration, per CSIS.
• "More difficult would be stopping shipments of newly produced weapons from contracts Ukraine signed with the defense industry, though with funds provided by the United States," per the think tank, because legally those belong to Ukraine.
• However, the U.S. might be able to divert shipments to its own forces under Title I of the Defense Production Act or other emergency authorities.

By the numbers: As of January 20, the U.S. had dolled out $65.9 billion in military assistance to the country since Russia's invasion in February 2022, per the State Department.

• That includes air defense equipment, guns, ammunition, missiles, laser-guided rocket systems, air surveillance radars, helicopters, bomb launchers, hundreds of thousands of artillery rounds, tanks, armored vehicles, boats and more.
• Including humanitarian and financial assistance, Congress has appropriated $174.2 billion for Ukraine since 2022.

Zoom out: Ukraine also relies on the U.S. for more than just weapons and cash.

• The Ukrainian military also relies heavily on the Starlink satellite internet system from Elon Musk's SpaceX, with some 42,000 Starlink terminals in operation across the country as of last year.
• Ukraine's military also depends on U.S. intelligence, including to target drone strikes.
• The fate of broader U.S.-Ukraine cooperation remains uncertain after the public split between Trump and Zelensky.

Go deeper: Trump to hold Ukraine meeting on next steps including possible aid freeze

President Trump's decision to cancel a major oil deal with Venezuela came amid pressure from Miami's three GOP House members who oppose enriching Nicolás Maduro's dictatorship, four sources tell Axios.

Why it matters: To get their way, the three House members suggested — but never explicitly threatened — that they would withhold votes Trump needed for the GOP budget deal that the House narrowly passed last week.

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• "They're going crazy and I need their votes," Trump explained to confidants when he privately signaled he would cancel the license allowing Venezuelan oil exports to the U.S.
• Reps. Mario Diaz-Balart, Carlos Gimenez and Maria Elvira Salazar then voted for the budget deal, which passed 217-215.
• Eight hours later, Trump announced on Truth Social that he was canceling the oil deal.

House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) related some of the behind-the-scenes story to a group of Republican donors during a fundraiser Friday at the Miami-area waterfront mansion of local health insurance magnate Ivan Herrera.

• Johnson told the crowd they "should be proud" of Diaz-Balart, Gimenez and Salazar.
• "The three Crazy Cubans, as we affectionately call them," Johnson said, "stood on principle" and delivered for their community, according to two sources at the fundraiser. They said Gimenez and Diaz-Balart chuckled approvingly at the nickname along with the donors, many of whom have Cuban roots.

The big picture: In a more conventional White House, power flows through a more defined process, through "proper channels" that involve careful vetting.

• In Trump's White House, power often circulates instantly, improvisationally and unexpectedly, based on Trump's gut, his needs at the time — or on catching him with the right idea at the right time, with the right words.

This previously untold story helps explain the contradictory positions that Trump's administration sometimes appears to take.

• It also highlights Trump's hands-on involvement in salvaging the House's controversial budget plan — and his familiarity with Florida's unique politics and its international reverberations.

Zoom in: Last Tuesday, the final day of the budget talks, Johnson put Diaz-Balart on the phone with Trump so the Miamian could make his pitch against the Venezuelan oil deal. The week before, Diaz-Balart and Gimenez had met with Trump in the White House to voice their concerns, two sources said.

• During Tuesday's call, Diaz-Balart reminded Trump of his campaign promises to crack down on Maduro, two sources briefed on the call said. Diaz-Balart told Trump that Maduro's dictatorship was "thrown a lifeline" by President Biden when he relaxed sanctions, which Trump had slapped on Venezuela during his previous administration.
• "Mario never threatened their vote or offered a quid pro quo because threatening Trump is just counterproductive," said one of those sources. "They all know that."
• Diaz-Balart, Gimenez and Salazar declined to comment. A Johnson spokesperson confirmed the House members fought to end support to Maduro's government but wouldn't comment further.

Between the lines: Trump already wasn't inclined to continue the Venezuela petroleum deal, partly because Biden had struck it.

• Trump also didn't want to appear to be negotiating an oil-for-migrants deal with Maduro, a White House official and an outside adviser told Axios. The Trump administration is trying to boost deportations of Venezuelan unauthorized immigrants as well as some with pre-existing deportation protections.
• Trump's administration is stocked with Florida Republicans who are anti-Maduro: Secretary of State Marco Rubio, National Security Adviser Mike Waltz, Latin American envoy Mauricio Claver-Carone and Chief of Staff Susie Wiles.
• Trump's special envoy to Venezuela, Richard Grenell, is still in talks with Maduro's regime. Grenell last month secured the release of six U.S. prisoners in Venezuela and persuaded Maduro to accept Venezuelans deported from the U.S.
• Grenell has said the U.S. doesn't want regime change in Venezuela. But other White House officials said regime change is preferred because the socialist dictator has mismanaged his country's finances, destabilizing the region by leading to the Western Hemisphere's biggest mass migration of modern times.
• "The win-win for all of us is to somehow get the dictator to give up power on a glide path of maybe two years," a Trump Latin America adviser said. "So go ahead, keep robbing your country and getting rich off socialism while everyone else gets poor. But ya gotta go."

The backstory: Chevron produces about 220,000 oil barrels daily in Venezuela, about a quarter of the country's production, according to the Miami Herald, which also reported that Palm Beach oil magnate Harry Sargeant III, was closely involved in efforts to broker a deal between Trump and Maduro.

What they're saying: Trump's decision to cancel Biden's 2022 oil deal came as a surprise to Venezuela's government and to Chevron, which under the deal was allowed to pump Venezuelan oil.

• "Chevron lobbied hard and fell hard. So did Harry," said a Republican advising the Trump White House.
• "This is just going to raise the price of oil," said another Trump Republican allied with Sargeant.
• "In reality, damage is being inflicted on the United States, its population and its companies," Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela's vice president, said in a social media post criticizing Trump's decision.

Zoom out: The Cuban-American community dominates the politics of Miami-Dade County, the most populous in the state.

• Cuban Americans, including those in Congress, have found political common cause in the state with exiles who fled other countries because of leftist violence, oppression or dysfunction. Those include Nicaragua, Colombia and Venezuela, where Cuban intelligence services protect Maduro.
• Cuban Americans are among Trump's strongest supporters; he's frequently boasted about that.

But Trump's decision to end Temporary Protected Status for as many as 300,000 Venezuelans is deeply unpopular in Miami politics. The three Cuban-American House members oppose it, but know it's hard to change Trump's mind.

• "Helping out Maduro and Big Oil was just a bridge too far for them," said a Republican allied with the congressional members. "They're happy Trump kept his promise. At least for now."

• I tried all the cheeses I could find at Trader Joe's and ranked them from worst to best.
• I didn't like the white Stilton cheese with apricots at all.
• Trader Joe's creamy Toscano cheese soaked in syrah was my favorite.

Trader Joe's has so many cheese options on its shelves that it can be hard to pick just one.

To find out which varieties are worth the money, I purchased 17 different kinds at my New York City location and tasted each one.

Here's how I'd rank them from worst to best — and which I'd definitely buy again.

• For years, I overpacked to avoid repeating outfits on vacation.
• Now, I've mastered the art of packing, and my biggest tip is to stick to one color.
• It allows for more outfit combinations. Plus, it leaves room in your bag for fun statement pieces. 

Three summers ago, I sat on my unzipped suitcase in the middle of New Zealand's Auckland Airport and attempted to squeeze my carry-on bag shut.

Strangers avoided eye contact when they spotted me: a helpless over-packer. Sweat glistened on my forehead as I forced the zipper closed. I was already wearing a tank top, sweater, and jacket. Next to me was a tote bag with more clothes and souvenirs. Nearby, my backpack was stuffed to the brim. 

I prayed no one would question my three carry-on bags instead of the allotted two. I also vowed to never overpack again. 

Now, after a handful of two-week-plus international trips, I'm convinced I've mastered the skill of packing. My biggest tip: stick to one color.

One color means more outfit options and more space

After living in New York for three years, I fell into the cliché of wearing all black. Initially, I thought it was an NYC uniform and, hence, a requirement to be trendy in the city. Later, I realized it makes life a whole lot easier.

My abundance of black clothes means I can mix and match textures and shapes without doubting whether the color combination will work together.

For years, I didn't follow this rule when packing for trips. An international trip, to me, is a big celebration.

To mark the occasion (and the pictures that would accompany it), I packed with the goal of never repeating an outfit. I'd ditch the fashion lessons I learned from New York and pack fun colors and untouched pieces from the back of my closet.

Then, I'd end up on a trip not liking anything I packed and repeat outfits again and again.

Finally, I realized that if wearing mainly black makes my day-to-day life easier, it'd probably make my vacation life easier.

By focusing on one color, most of the outfits in my suitcase go together. This allows me to mix and match pieces to create new shapes and new fits without repeating an entire outfit. 

Plus, it saves me room in my bag. If more of my items go together, I can pack less while still having options.

One color doesn't mean you can't pack a statement item or two

I learned that this space-saving tip also means I have room for a statement item or two that I'm confident I'll wear.

When I embarked on a two-week trip to Japan, my suitcase was filled with dark clothes, which gave me the confidence to pack my polka-dot coat.  

I knew my all-black outfits would match the coat, so my statement piece could be worn repeatedly. If I had packed other patterns or more colorful clothes, I likely would've worn the coat once or twice and would've needed room for more coats in my suitcase.

For a two-week trip across Italy and Cyprus, I followed a similar rule and mainly stuck to black clothing. 

Here, my statement pieces were accessories and shoes. I wore colorful earrings, rocked platform sandals, packed trusty button-downs, and found pops of colors in scarves and jewelry I purchased during the trip.

When I look at pictures, I don't think — or care if — it looks like I'm wearing the same thing

One fear I had when I started wearing mainly black on trips was that it might look like I was wearing the same thing in every picture.

I combat that by packing different types of clothes. I might pack a black midi dress that can be worn as a dress, as a skirt, or with long sleeves underneath. Beyond a dress, I'll pack black jeans and black flowy pants. When it comes to shirts, I'll make sure I have tight-fitting tops and loose ones.

By having a variety of styles, I think my outfits vary enough.

Even more importantly, I learned that it doesn't matter if I look similar in pictures.

I care more about the places I visited and the memories I created — regardless of what I was wearing.

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