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Ukraine war shows NATO's biggest problem isn't its strategy, think tank argues

NATO allies may need to produce much larger artillery arsenals for future wars.
NATO allies may need to produce much larger artillery arsenals for future wars. Here, an M109 Paladin self-propelled artillery fires during NATO training in Poland.

Spc. Julian Winston/US Army

  • The Ukraine war is a wake-up call for NATO to stockpile more ammunition.
  • NATO states need more ammo and defense production to replace losses in a long war.
  • Powers like Russia and China have invested in huge numbers of artillery.

The Ukraine war shows that the theory behind NATO's combat doctrine is sound. The problem is that Britain and many other NATO allies lack the resources to implement it, a new report argues.

There is not "compelling evidence to suggest that the war necessitates fundamental changes to key ideas and terms in UK or Allied joint operational-level doctrine, such as the maneuverist approach, the comprehensive approach or mission command," according to the RAND Europe think tank, which reviewed open-source literature on the Ukraine war at the behest of the United Kingdom's Ministry of Defense. The report counters other experts who've argued that the West's maneuver strategy for ground combat faces increasing threats.

But to win a large conflict like Ukraine, NATO lacks sufficient equipment and ammunition. The Ukraine war has been marked by heavy losses of armored vehicles and artillery, as well as massive expenditure of munitions that have strained the economies of the combatants. NATO stockpiles and defense manufacturing capacity had already dwindled after the end of the Cold War: providing a steady supply of armaments to Ukraine while replenishing their stockpiles has proven extremely challenging.

"The published literature on Ukraine suggests that the most pressing question is not whether NATO and the UK's joint doctrine is appropriate, but rather whether sufficient resources are available to credibly implement those ideas and principles as envisaged, especially over the course of a long war," RAND warned.

Ukraine is a conflict of contradictions, where 21st-century technologies such as drones exist alongside artillery barrages and trench warfare straight from 1917. While militaries want to learn the lessons for future wars, distinguishing what's old from what's new โ€” and what are specific features of the Ukraine war versus permanent trends โ€” isn't easy.

For example, what is the future of airpower? Crewed aircraft have had a surprisingly limited impact on the Ukraine war, as have helicopters. "The deployment of [ground-based air defenses] has underscored the poor survivability of rotary-wing assets on both sides, with a reduced use of platforms including helicopters for tactical air mobility maneuvers and [casualty evacuation], compared with operations in Afghanistan and Iraq," RAND said. The sheer numbers and accuracy of air defenses like the Patriot (Ukraine) or S-300 and S-400s (Russia) force jets to fly at a remove from the battlefield, one of the reasons the battlefield's lines are largely static.

Royal Danish Air Force F-16 fighters fly off the wing of a US Air Force B-52 bomber in November.
Royal Danish Air Force F-16 fighters fly off the wing of a US Air Force B-52 bomber in November.

Staff Sgt. Emily Farnsworth/US Air Force

These issues are hardly academic for NATO militaries. They operate the world's most numerous and advanced air forces, outgrowths from the Cold War strategy of using tactical airpower to stall and fracture the Soviet Union's numerically superior ground forces. If their use is now much more limited, it suggests NATO armies will face a much more difficult ground fight.

Drones have largely replaced crewed aircraft for reconnaissance and attack missions. And, small, expendable drones have replaced larger UAVs such as the Turkish-made Bayraktar 2 strike drone that Ukraine used with devastating effect in the early days of the war. Yet massive use of drones has failed to provide either side with victory.

Ukraine has tried to shed its Soviet-era doctrine in favor of Western-style maneuver warfare, with limited but not decisive success. Russia has used massive artillery barrages and human-wave assaults โ€” the same tactics the Red Army used against the Germans in World War II โ€” to achieve steady but incremental gains at ferocious cost; by one estimate, November was the highest month for Russian soldiers killed and wounded in the entire war.

"Without airpower, neither maneuver nor positional warfare have led to a decisive strategic outcome, but claims in the literature about the demise of such approaches are premature," said RAND.

The apparent neutralization of airpower is bad news for NATO. Western nations have tended to invest in aircraft rather than building huge numbers of artillery pieces, as Russia and China have done.

RAND does see several enduring lessons of the Ukraine war for NATO. One is having adequate quantities of personnel and material to absorb and replenish the constant drain of combat losses in a long war. "While the efficiency afforded by new technology can offset the need for mass in certain situations, it cannot replace the general need for mass. We have not yet observed any game-changing technology or tactic that negates the need for critical mass in personnel, infrastructure, materiel and stockpiles."

These issues are especially acute for the UK. The British Army is shrinking to 72,000 soldiers โ€” its lowest level since the Napoleonic Wars โ€” while the Royal Navy and Air Force are also a fraction of their Cold War strength. In the event of a war with Russia, such as an invasion of Poland or Eastern Europe, the UK might barely be able to scrape together a full-strength mechanized division.

The RAND study also examines how military power emerges from more than just weapons and strategy. For example, the Kremlin's worst error was to underestimate the resolve of the Ukrainian people and government to preserve their independence as a nation. "The war has re-emphasized the importance of a narrative and audience-centric approaches. This includes the crucial but often overlooked role of a national will to fight โ€” a topic extensively analyzed at RAND but often overlooked, especially in Western defense establishments."

Perhaps the biggest lesson of the Ukraine war is the importance of adaptability. Ukraine and Russia have proven rigid in some ways, but quite adaptable in others, such as mastering the use of drones. "Technological trends towards automation, process optimization and a more transparent, networked and data-rich battlespace aside, the war has for example reiterated the enduring impact of uncertainty and friction in complicating operations," RAND said.

This means NATO must constantly reassess its doctrine. The Ukraine war "emphasizes the crucial distinction between innovation (combining old with new) vs adaptation (to counter the enemy's new tactics) and the need to promote both (not necessarily prioritizing the new)," RAND concluded.

Michael Peck is a defense writer whose work has appeared in Forbes, Defense News, Foreign Policy magazine, and other publications. He holds an MA in political science from Rutgers Univ. Follow him on Twitter and LinkedIn.

Read the original article on Business Insider

DSCC hopeful Gillibrand says Dems should have put immigration fix on table '2 years ago'

Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., who is looking to head up the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) for the 2026 cycle, thinks Democrats waited too long to address the current immigration crisis.ย 

In an interview with Fox News Digital, the senator said, "For me, it would have been great if we could have gotten these commonsense, bipartisan ideas on the table two years ago, like really, a while ago, because the urgency has been very top of mind for certain communities in New York."

One of the top takeaways drawn from data from the Fox News Digital Voter Analysis after the 2024 election was that immigration was one of the biggest issues in the country. When voters were asked about reducing the number of immigrants allowed to seek asylum, twice as many favored reducing the number of immigrants allowed to do so.

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Democrats made their own case for addressing it, citing a border and immigration bill that was negotiated by a Republican senator, a Democrat senator and an independent border state senator. However, by the bill's last appearance on the Senate floor, two of its three negotiators had abandoned it. Only one Republican chose to vote in favor of the measure.

On the campaign trail, Democrats pointed to this bill and their attempt to pass it when confronting concerns about the border, often criticizing their Republican colleagues and President-elect Donald Trump for standing against it.ย 

Gillibrand said immigration worries were some of the top concerns brought to her attention by voters.

"They wanted to make sure their kids were safe. So issues like immigration and fentanyl trafficking and gun trafficking were really important to them," she said.

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This and the economy and cost of living, "were really more salient," the senator said, reflecting on 2024 and how to win in red or purple areas comprised of swing voters.

When asked about abortion messaging in 2026, Gillibrand didn't say what she would do in the 2026 cycle if she was selected to lead the DSCC, but she said that "people really wanted to talk about the cost of things" in this cycle.ย 

Whether identity politics played a role in Democrat losses and if the party should veer away from it, she didn't agree with some of her fellow Democrats.ย 

"I think it was leaned in by Republican candidates to divide America, which I found to be really unfortunate," she said.

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To fight those efforts, Gillibrand said, "I think you just say it like it is. I mean, just be truthful about it. And, you know, on a lot of those issues, a lot of our state governments already take care of it."

The New York senator said that even though the 2024 election occurred just weeks ago, the 2026 Senate cycle "really starts today."

She said she wants to lead the DSCC so she can "help other candidates across the country to be in their community, not two months before the election but two years before the election, talking to voters about what they care most about."

Notably, Gillibrand flipped a red House district to blue when she was first elected in 2006, unseating an incumbent.

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Though the senator hasn't officially been selected to take on the challenge of running the Democrat campaign arm yet, she is already eyeing some competitive candidates. In particular, Gillibrand said she thinks Democrat North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper would be a good candidate to try and flip a Senate seat to blue in the state.

"I haven't talked to him yet, but he's pretty impressive," she said.ย 

The Senate seat in North Carolina is held by incumbent Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C.

Gillibrand also noted that the Senate majority may not be something Democrats can earn back in 2026, telling Fox News Digital, "Sometimes it takes time to win back majorities, and it may take two cycles."

"I just know there's great races across the country and great candidates that, hopefully, I'll be part of recruiting, and hopefully we can win our majority back."

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