A group of Republicans recently introduced a bill to repeal the Impoundment Control Act.
It would hand Trump more control over government spending β he could even unilaterally cut it off.
Several Republicans who backed the bill told BI they're fine with giving up congressional power.
Ahead of President-elect Donald Trump's return to the White House, some Republicans on Capitol Hill are ready to do something unusual: Relinquish some of their own power over federal spending.
More than 20 Republicans cosponsored a bill this month that would repeal the Impoundment Control Act of 1974, or ICA, a Watergate-era law that requires the president to spend all of the money that Congress approves. In the absence of that law and subsequent court rulings, the president would have the power to spend less money than what Congress decides β or refuse to spend money on certain programs altogether.
That would bring a massive power shift from the legislative to the executive branch, upending a balance between the two that's existed for 50 years. Some Republicans on Capitol Hill say it's their best hope of enacting spending cuts and reducing the national debt, given Congress's history of inaction and what they view as their colleagues' unwillingness to reduce spending.
"I think the spending is just out of control, and I think Congress is gutless," Rep. Tim Burchett of Tennessee told Business Insider. "I just don't think we're capable of making changes without some other interference, whether it be the executive branch or the voters."
"If the power is reducing expenditures, then I'm all for it," Rep. Eric Burlison of Missouri told BI. "Something has to be done."
"You look at where we are in this country, why not give him that power?" Rep. Ralph Norman of South Carolina told BI, referring to the country's fiscal situation. "At this point, I'm willing to take that risk. Anything can be abused. I can drink too much water, and suffer from it."
The Trump-Vance transition did not respond to a request for comment.
'We can simply choke off the money'
Trump is no stranger to impoundment β his first impeachment was triggered by his refusal to deliver aid to Ukraine. As he's mounted his third presidential bid, Trump has argued that the ICA is unconstitutional and should be done away with, either via congressional repeal or via the courts.
"With impoundment, we can simply choke off the money," Trump said in a 2023 campaign video. "I alone can get that done."
As Trump has staffed up his administration, he's appointed staunch proponents of impoundment to key positions. That includes Russell Vought and Mark Paoletta, who have been nominated to their previously held roles of director and general counsel of the Office of Management and Budget, respectively.
The president-elect's allies have argued that impoundment is a constitutional power that all presidents hold, owing to the president's duty under Article II of the US Constitution to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
They also point out that for roughly 200 years before 1974 β when Congress passed the ICA as President Richard Nixon refused to spend money on programs he disagreed with β presidents of all stripes have used impoundment for a variety of reasons, including policy disagreements.
"When Congress passes a spending bill, we pass a ceiling," Rep. Andrew Clyde, the Georgia Republican who introduced the ICA repeal bill, told BI. "It's not a floor and ceiling put together at one number."
More recently, impoundment has been embraced by Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, whose "Department of Government Efficiency" initiative aims to enact trillions of dollars in cuts to federal spending. The duo have publicly agreed with Trump's argument that the ICA is unconstitutional, and the topic arose when they visited Capitol Hill to speak with Republicans earlier this month.
"I look at it as a tool of saving money, and being more efficient," Clyde said. "That's what the American people literally demanded in this election."
'Maybe this is too broad'
There are plenty of opponents of impoundment on Capitol Hill, including among Republicans. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, the incoming GOP chairwoman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, has told reporters that she's opposed to repealing the ICA. And it's not just Trump skeptics who are uneasy with it.
"If it's something that further weakens Congress' ability to do its job the way they should be, then I'm going to look at that real carefully," Republican Rep. Mark Amodei of Nevada told BI in November.
Key Democrats, meanwhile, have expressed opposition to Trump's impoundment plans. Rep. Brendan Boyle, the top Democrat on the House Budget Committee, released a fact sheet making a case against impoundment.
"The legal theories being pushed by Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy are as idiotic as they are dangerous," Boyle said in a statement. "Unilaterally slashing funds that have been lawfully appropriated by the people's elected representatives in Congress would be a devastating power grab that undermines our economy and puts families and communities at risk."
Republican skepticism, along with Democrats' likely opposition to any effort to give Trump more spending power, could make repealing the law via Congress an uphill battle.
The president-elect said in the 2023 video that he "will do everything I can to challenge the Impoundment Control Act in court," queueing up what would be a high-stakes legal fight early in his second term.
What remains unclear is exactly how expansively Trump would try to use impoundment. For some of the Republicans who support the effort, it's merely about spending less than what's necessary. Others warn that Trump could use that power in a retributive way, denying federal funding to states and localities over policy disagreements.
Even those who've cosponsored the ICA repeal bill expressed some ambivalence about its potential implications.
"Maybe this is too broad. I don't know," Rep. Andy Biggs of Arizona told BI. "But I can tell you this: if you have a president who says 'I don't need 10 billion, I need 2 billion,' then I would like them not to spend that 8 billion. That's really kind of what the objective is, I think."
She's also the only character who was given a name different than her real-life counterpart, in this case Suze Rotolo, the artist, political activist, and eventual author who died in 2011 from lung cancer.
Rotolo met Dylan in the early 1960s shortly after he moved to New York City, where Rotolo was working for the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). They quickly fell in love and moved in together in Greenwich Village.
Director James Mangold confirmed to Rolling Stone that Fanning's character Sylvie Russo is meant to closely resemble the real Rotolo, rather than be a "half-Suze, half-fictional" creation.
"It was a character who I felt β and I think Bob very much agreed when we talked early on β was the only one who wasn't a celebrity and an icon in and of themselves with a kind of public persona," Mangold said. "Everyone else is up for the gauntlet and has been in that game a long time. And Suze was just a real person."
"In many ways," he added, "Elle plays our access point or more normal kind of citizen, if you will, among all these eccentric characters. She's much more like someone we know."
According to Fanning, Dylan asked Mangold not to use Rotolo's real name, because she was "a very private person and didn't ask for this life."
"She was obviously someone that was very special and sacred to Bob," Fanning said in a separate Rolling Stone interview.
The movie accurately depicts the couple's first meeting in 1961 at a Riverside Church hootenanny, per Rolling Stone. At the time, Dylan was 20, while Rotolo was 17.
"Right from the start I couldn't take my eyes off her. She was the most erotic thing I'd ever seen," Dylan wrote in his 2004 memoir, "Chronicles: Volume One."
"She was fair skinned and golden haired, full-blood Italian. The air was suddenly filled with banana leaves," he continued. "We started talking and my head started to spin. Cupid's arrow had whistled past my ears before, but this time it hit me in the heart and the weight of it dragged me overboard."
In Dylan's recollection, Rotolo was embedded in the New York art scene as a painter, illustrator, and graphic designer, in addition to her work with civil rights committees. She'd grown up in Queens, he said, and was raised in a "left-wing family." It's been reported that both her parents were members of the American Communist Party.
"Meeting her was like stepping into the tales of '1001 Arabian Nights.' She had a smile that could light up a street full of people and was extremely lively, had a kind of voluptuousness β a Rodin sculpture come to life," Dylan wrote. "She reminded me of a libertine heroine. She was just my type."
Not long after their first encounter, Dylan said he ran into Rotolo's sister, Carla, and asked if he could see Rotolo again.
"She said, 'Oh, she'd like to see you, too,'" he recalled. "Eventually we got to be pretty inseparable. Outside of my music, being with her seemed to be the main point in my life."
By early 1962, Dylan and Rotolo had moved in together, even though her family disapproved. (Dylan described Rotolo's mother, Mary, as "very protective" and disapproving of Dylan's "nameless way of life." Rotolo's father, Gioachino, died when Rotolo was 14.)
Rotolo had a major impact on Dylan's artistic taste and political views
In his memoir, Dylan said he began to broaden his horizons once Rotolo entered his life. She loaned him poetry books, introduced him to works by Arthur Rimbaud and Bertolt Brecht, and took him to local hang-out spots for artists and painters. He was particularly fond of off-Broadway productions and local museums.
"A new world of art was opening up my mind," Dylan wrote.
"A Complete Unknown" also correctly notes that Rotolo inspired Dylan to write topical songs, including "The Death of Emmett Till" and "Oxford Town."
"A lot of what I gave him was a look at how the other half lived β left-wing things that he didn't know," Rotolo told writer David Hajdu in his book "Positively 4th Street."
"He knew about Woody [Guthrie] and Pete Seeger, but I was working for CORE and went on youth marches for civil rights, and all that was new to him," she explained. "It was in the air, but it was new to him."
After the commercial failure of Dylan's self-titled debut album, he pivoted from folk covers to writing his own songs, influenced by Rotolo's poetry and his expanding political awareness. These formed the bedrock of his 1963 sophomore album, "The Freewheelin' Bob Dylan." Rotolo cemented herself in music history by posing with Dylan for the cover art, the pair walking arm-in-arm down Jones Street.
In her 2008 memoir, "A Freewheelin' Time," Rotolo said the album cover was beloved for its "casual down-home spontaneity," which was unusual for the "perfectly posed" trends of the time. She said it embodied the image of "rebellion against the status quo."
"The songs had something to say," she wrote. "It was folk music, but it was really rock and roll."
Before 'A Freewheelin' Bob Dylan' was finished, Rotolo went to study art in Europe, leaving Dylan heartbroken in New York
In the summer of 1962, Rotolo left New York to study art at the University of Perugia in Italy. ("A Complete Unknown" shows Russo leaving for 12 weeks. In real life, she was gone for six months.)
Dylan channeled his lovelorn yearning into songs like "Don't Think Twice, It's All Right," a much-celebrated highlight on his sophomore album; "Down the Highway," which includes a lyric about his lover taking his heart "away to Italy;" and "Boots of Spanish Leather," later included on his third album, 1964's "The Times They Are a-Changin.'"
The couple shot the album cover for "A Freewheelin' Bob Dylan" after Rotolo returned in January 1963. But their romantic relationship wouldn't last much longer.
As both parties recalled, Dylan's fast-growing fame eroded their trust and intimacy. Rotolo also said she took issue with Dylan's "paranoia and secrecy."
In "A Complete Unknown," the couple fight about Dylan's reluctance to discuss his pre-New York life in the Midwest. Russo specifically needles him about changing his name, which matches the recollections in Rotolo's memoir; she'd found out that Dylan's real name was Robert Allen Zimmerman when his draft card fell out of his wallet. "It was suddenly upsetting that he hadn't been open with me," she wrote. "I was hurt."
"People make up their past, Sylvie," Dylan counters in the movie. "They remember what they want. They forget the rest."
According to Fanning, Dylan himself added a line to the screenplay for the fight scene, which takes place before Russo leaves for Italy.
"It was something like, 'Don't even bother coming back,'" Fanning told Rolling Stone. "We know the arguments were real, so maybe he was remembering something β or regretting something that he said to her."
Even after they stopped living together, Rotolo said she and Dylan still spent time together
In August 1963, Rotolo moved out of their shared apartment on West 4th Street to live with her sister instead.
"I could no longer cope with all the pressure, gossip, truth, and lies that living with Bob entailed," Rotolo wrote in her memoir. "I was unable to find solid ground β I was on quicksand and very vulnerable."
Shortly after, Rotolo discovered she was pregnant and had an illegal abortion, which she said sent her into a depression. At the same time, Dylan's rumored affair with Joan Baez (Rotolo described him as "a lying shit of a guy with women, an adept juggler") and his long-simmering tension with Rotolo's family ("For her parasite sister, I had no respect," Dylan sings in "Ballad in Plain D," a song he later said was a mistake to release) put strain on their relationship.
However, the young couple continued to spend time together β or, as Rotolo put it in her book, they were "caught in the whirlpool of indecision that is tortured young love." She also described their connection as an "addiction."
Though Rotolo said they'd "ostensibly broken up" by late 1963, Dylan regularly visited Rotolo's apartment and called whenever he was out of town. Still, she felt increasingly suffocated by Dylan's mystique and the worship of his fans. She feared people were only nice to her to get close to him and, she wrote, lost a sense of herself in the process.
"It wasn't easy; even when broken, the bond between lovers tends to hold in unpredictable ways," Rotolo wrote. "But I knew I was not suited for his life. I could never be the woman behind the great man."
It's unclear exactly when the couple cut ties for good, but sometime in 1963 or 1964, Rotolo realized she had to walk away. Dylan agreed, she wrote, with a "resigned sadness."
In 1965, ahead of Dylan's spring tour in England, Rotolo said she got a call from his manager about updating her passport.
"This was another cue for me to sever another tie," she wrote. "Slowly untying all those entanglements. I said thank you but no."
In "A Complete Unknown," Russo is present for the climactic event: Dylan's electric performance at the 1965 Newport Folk Festival.
In real life, Rotolo wasn't there to see Dylan enrage his friends and fans with rock music; Dylan was already living at the Chelsea Hotel with his future wife, Sara Lownds, by the time he performed at the festival in July 1965. Lownds was also pregnant with their son, Jesse.
"During our time together things became very complicated because so much happened to him so fast," Rotolo wrote in her memoir. "We had a good time, but also a hard time, as a young couple in love."
Dylan's memoir includes a similarly enigmatic description of their breakup.
"The alliance between Suze and me didn't turn out exactly to be a holiday in the woods," he wrote. "Eventually fate flagged it down and it came to a full stop. It had to end. She took one turn in the road and I took another. We just passed out of each others' lives."
βI couldn't stand to think a young dog could potentially spend the rest of her life in kennels,β said Joanne Baker, the new owner of Sarah, a lurcher
Searchlight Capital Partners, the private equity firm which has backed companies including Secret Escapes, is to lead a new funding package for Wefox, the European insurance company, that could be worth up to β¬170m (Β£141m).
Americans want to hear lessabout politics from public figures β and Republicans really don't want to hear it, according to a new AP-NORC poll.
Why it matters: After an election season where endorsements from celebrities frequently made news, the survey found Americans are more likely to disapprove than approve of celebrities, big companies and athletes sounding off on politics.
By the numbers:
Just 39% of Democrats approve of celebrities piping up on political issues β but only 11% of Republicans and 12% of independents (24% for the whole sample).
Same with pro athletes: 39% of Democrats approve of them speaking up β but just 16% of Republicans and 15% of independents (26% overall).
Small business is a big exception: 43% of people are happy to hear from entrepreneurs. That breaks down to 49% of Dems, 41% of Republicans and 33% of independents.
Zoom out: The poll also found that most Americans are trying to avoid political news. Go deeper.
The Reds have a seven-point lead at the top of the Premier League but despite uncertainty surrounding Virgil van Dijk, Trent Alexander-Arnold and Mohamed Salahβs futures, Arne Slot has detailed how his team are maintaining standards off the pitch