The Supreme Court ended its term last week, but the justices aren’t done yet, partly due to a legal blitz President Donald Trump has strategically deployed in his second term, one that’s proven surprisingly effective in advancing his sweeping agenda.

Lawyers for the Trump administration filed their 20th emergency application to the Supreme Court Thursday in just a 23-week period. 

The dizzying pace of applications comes as the administration looks to advance some of Trump’s sweeping policy actions. And, in many cases, the court’s 6-3 majority has given the administration the green light to proceed. 

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The high court has ruled in Trump’s favor in the majority of emergency applications, allowing the administration to proceed with its ban on transgender service members in the military, its termination of millions of dollars in Education Department grants and its firing of probationary employees across the federal government, among many other actions.

Like most emergency orders, the rulings are often unsigned, giving little indication what the justices might be thinking.

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Emergency applications — and the Supreme Court’s responses — aren’t meant to offer lasting relief. But Trump has found success using a "move fast and break things" strategy to push key requests through the court’s so-called "shadow" docket.

For context, Trump has filed more emergency applications in five months than his predecessors did in years. Former President Joe Biden submitted just 19 over his entire term, while presidents Obama and George W. Bush filed only eight combined during their time in office.

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In the interim, the strategy has allowed him to enforce many of the sweeping executive orders he signed upon taking office. These orders were met with hundreds of lawsuits across the country and blocked by many lower courts, prompting the administration to appeal them, again and again, through the federal judiciary. 

For now, those near-term wins have energized Trump allies, allowing them to press forward with a blitz of executive actions and claim "victory," however temporary. The approach allows Trump to advance major policy priorities without relying on a slow-moving Congress.

Florida Rep. Maxwell Frost, a Democrat, sparked a firestorm during Tuesday’s House Rules Committee hearing on the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, accusing pro-life Republicans of caring only about children during infancy.

Frost, who represents Orlando and is the first Gen Z member of Congress, was seated as a witness in the hearing when he described how gun violence shaped his decision to seek public office and made the remark that sparked the uproar.

The situation heated up after ranking member James McGovern, D-Mass., said it "blows my mind there's more passion and energy" in Congress for Second Amendment advocacy than healthcare access for cancer patients, an apparent reference to Medicaid-centric debate on the budget bill.

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"That tells you all you need to know about the difference between Republicans and Democrats on this," McGovern said, yielding to Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández, D-N.M.

Leger Fernandez said Democrats have been the party of pursuing their "convictions," citing former Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga., marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Alabama knowing he’d be beaten by police for protesting in support of civil rights before ceding the floor to Frost.

Frost said he got involved in politics at age 15 after the Sandy Hook shooting in Connecticut and was one mile from the Pulse Nightclub when 49 people were murdered there.

"[Shooter Omar Mateen] didn’t like them because they were gay and Latino. Three months later, I survived an instance of gun violence in Downtown Orlando."

Frost, a progressive who, while not a member of "The Squad," has said he has "plenty of love and admiration" for the group, went on to claim gun rights groups want to lobby Congress to pass amendments to "sell more guns" even if "more people [are] dying."

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He claimed former President Joe Biden worked to reduce gun violence and contrasted that with his pointed allegation of Republicans.

"They say they're pro-life because they want the baby to be born, go to school and get shot in the school. Die in the schools, die on the streets," he said, before being cut off by an enraged Chairwoman Virginia Foxx, R-N.C.

Foxx began slamming her gavel and reprimanding Frost, though her initial comments could not be discerned because her microphone was not on.

"You've gone over the cliff. We are all going to be quiet now," she commanded.

"I meant every word," Frost retorted.

Rep. Austin Scott, R-Ga., made a motion to strike Frost’s words after Foxx suggested she wanted the same.

But Scott soon relented when Foxx said it "might be better to leave them on" the record for the public to view.

"You are not going to come into this room and impugn our integrity. You will not. We are pro-life people from conception to natural death; most of us are.

"Don't you come in here and say we want to preserve life so people can get shot," the Smoky Mountains congresswoman added.

Foxx adjourned the hearing shortly after Leger Fernández used up her remaining time, but the fireworks weren’t over just yet.

As lawmakers and witnesses stood up, Rep. Andrew Clyde, R-Ga., called out, "I might remind my Democrat colleagues of Proverbs 13:5," prompting a raised murmur on the left side of the dais.

"You can add [Proverbs] 14:5 to that too," Clyde added after Rep. Deborah Wasserman-Schultz, D-Fla., reprimanded Scott for using the term "Democrat Party" instead of "Democratic Party."

The shorter name largely originated as a pejorative from former Rep. Joe McCarthy, R-Wis., during his investigations into the creeping of communism into American society and institutions. 

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The term "Democrat Party" was preferred to "Democratic" by former radio icon Rush Limbaugh and occasionally President Donald Trump.

Proverbs 13:5 says, "The righteous hates falsehood, but the wicked brings shame and disgrace."

Clyde’s second referenced Bible passage said, "A faithful witness does not lie, but a false witness breathes out lies."

• My husband and I opted for a small, intimate wedding in 2022.
• I had always wanted to write my own vows, but family advised against it and I didn't push the issue.
• Three years later, I still wish I had stood up for what I wanted.

My husband and I said our "I dos" during the pandemic. For us, it was a great excuse to keep the event on the smaller side, though our families wanted us to invite every extended family member. We would have wanted our wedding to be intimate, regardless of the safety concerns at the time.

My husband proposed in July 2021, and we were married six months later. As the planning process progressed, I found that we were making more and more concessions — mostly to our families — instead of sticking to what we wanted for our big day. Looking back, I wish I had stuck to my guns on some of them.

I wasn't a picky bride, but there were certain things I had envisioned.

I didn't have a strict blueprint for my wedding. I had a handful of things I wanted, such as my son walking me down the aisle since I was a single mom when I met my husband. But most of all I wanted the wedding to be as much my husband's as it was mine. Basically, I wanted everything to be agreed upon by both of us.

It seemed the more relaxed we were about the wedding, the more our respective parents worried about some other aspect we hadn't even thought of. But it wasn't just our family. Nearly everyone that learned we were getting married asked if we had done this or that "yet." We just wanted to have a simple party with our closest friends and family, but everyone we talked to pointed something else out that we had been blissfully unaware of.

I wanted my soon-to-be husband to be happy, so I compromised

I had always wanted to write my own vows, but as the wedding loomed closer, my husband seemed stressed out about writing his. His father, who was a minister and was going to be the one to marry us, wanted us to stick to the usual script. I was tired of battling everyone's expectations and wanted to ease my soon-to-be husband's stress, so I gave in and simply said, "fine."

My husband seemed relieved, and at the end of the day, I thought what really mattered was that we would be married. Looking back, I can see how stressed out I was during the planning process all the way through our wedding, which was far more stressful than I had thought it would be. I know now that my judgement was clouded.

My heart was in the right place, but it wasn't the right choice

There were a lot of things I didn't love about how our wedding played out, but my biggest regret is not committing to writing our own vows. I've even asked my husband if he'd consider remarrying just to recite vows that we've each written, but the moment has come and gone.

Part of why my husband was having trouble with his vows was because they would be said in front of everyone we knew, not just the two of us. But if I could go back in time, I would have talked it out with him.

Mostly, I know my husband would have stuck to our vows if I had let him know how important it was to me. Compromising is an important part of a relationship, but for our marriage to be successful, I think it's important that neither of us are making too many concessions, especially when it's something that really matters.

I use my wedding regret to make my marriage stronger

I worried so much about everyone else, including my husband, that I let go of one of the few things that mattered to me. I think worrying more about everyone else, in different ways, was a mistake we both made.

The upside is that we can learn from worrying overly about everyone else but ourselves and work at taking care of each other within our marriage.

I catch myself thinking about what I would have said at the altar so much that it's become a fantasy. It's usually when I realize how much I love him or how lucky I feel to be with him. While I can't go back in time, I can write and share my fantasy vows with my husband for the rest of our lives. When I think of it that way, it's a lot more romantic than just telling him once on our big day.