The House voted mostlyalong party lines Friday to adopt a rules package that protects newly reelected Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) from a potential ouster.
Why it matters: The new rules make it so that a vote on removing the speaker can only be brought if at least nine Republicans support what is called a "motion to vacate."
That is a significantly higher bar than in the 118th Congress when any single member in either party could force such a motion.
The tool was used to remove former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) in October 2023. Johnson faced an unsuccessful ouster attempt in April.
Zoom in: House Democrats have railed against the change, noting that for the first time in U.S. history the minority party would be restricted from introducing a motion to vacate.
"Instead of electing a Speaker of the House, they have decided to elect a Speaker of the Republican Conference — held hostage by their most extreme members," said House Rules Committee ranking member Jim McGovern (D-Mass.).
Zoom out: The 37-page rules package also formally eliminates the House's Diversity and Inclusion office, a longtime priority of House Republicans.
It renames the House Oversight and Accountability Committee to the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee — the name it held before Republicans retook the House under President Biden.
It also renames the Office of Congressional Ethics to the Office of Congressional Conduct, authorizes subpoenas of DOJ officials as part of Republicans' Biden probe and retains the China Select Committee.
And it tees up votes on a dozen bills related to Israel, border security, transgender participation in sports and proof of citizenship for voting.
Between the lines: After the speaker election, in which Johnson faced a 45-minute standoff with a handful of right-wing defectors, the rules package was changed to include two new provisions.
One provision restricts the House from holding what are known as "suspension" votes after Wednesdays. It effectively restricts GOP leadership's ability to pass major legislation with help from Democrats.
The other removes gender-neutral language from the rules — such as changing "child" to "son" and "daughter."
A group of nearly a dozen right-wing House Republicans on Friday released a list of demands they want Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to fulfill in order to keep the speaker's gavel.
Why it matters: It's enough members to force a vote on removing Johnson later on — meaning the newly reelected speaker has to take them seriously.
Johnson got his first taste of rebellion Friday as a trio of holdouts nearly derailed his reelection bid — with two relenting only after a 45-minute standoff.
Now, the right-wing hardliners who voted for him only reluctantly are unveiling a checklist for how he can keep his gavel.
Driving the news: In a letter to their Republican colleagues, 11 members of the House Freedom Caucus board wrote that they voted for Johnson "despite our serious reservations" about his track record.
The letter includes a list of demands for Johnson, urging him to modify the House calendar to have more days in session and ensure that Republicans' reconciliation package cuts the deficit.
It also demands votes on border security, spending cuts, reversing Biden administration environmental policies and election reform.
The letter was led by Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), the chair of the right-wing group.
What they're saying: There is always room to negotiate on so-called "leadership" positions under the rules; in the meantime, each one of our election certificates is still equal," the lawmakers wrote.
"Personalities can be debated later, but right now there is zero room for error on the policies the American people demanded when they voted for President Trump ... We demand the House of Representatives deliver — quickly."
Rep. Mike Johnson (R-La.) was reelected as the speaker of the House on Friday, securing the gavel on the first ballot.
Why it matters: Johnson appeared imperiled as three Republicans initially voted against him — enough to sink him on the first ballot.
After a roughly 45-minute standoff, Reps. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) and Keith Self (R-Texas) switched to voting for Johnson, giving him the 218 votes he needed to secure the gavel without a multi-ballot fight.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) was the lone defector, voting for Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.), while all Democrats voted for Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.).
Zoom in: Just before the vote began Friday, Johnson released a list of promises around spending cuts in an apparent deal to shore up his reelection.
He said he will create a working group of "independent experts" to explore spending reforms and release a report, as well as direct committees to "aggressively" review federal funding.
That was enough to win over roughly a dozen House Republicans who had for weeks refused to commit to voting for him, some of whom waited until the last minute to do so.
Zoom out: The Louisiana Republican, first elevated to the speakership in 2023 after Rep. Kevin McCarthy's (R-Calif.) ouster, has faced growing anger from his right flank throughout his 14-month tenure.
GOP hardliners have raged at him for working across the aisle to pass government spending and foreign aid bills without demanding stringent spending cuts.
But President-elect Trump backed Johnson, urging his allies not to tank the vote and potentially imperil Congress' certification of his election victory on Jan. 6.
Between the lines: Self and Norman spoke to Trump during the 45-minute voting interlude, according to Self and another source familiar with the matter.
They were connected to the incoming president by Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.), who called Trump personally and handed off her phone, the source told Axios.
Self declined to divulge details of the conversation other than saying they "discussed how we can advance the Trump agenda" and that he had a separate, one-on-one talk with Trump as well.
What they're saying: The short-lived rebellion against Johnson was seen by some Republicans as simply a play for attention.
Said one GOP lawmaker shortly before Self and Norman flipped their votes: "They just need five more minutes of fame, it seems like."
"A couple more tweets, a couple more five-dollar donations ... and we'll bring this thing home," the lawmaker said.
What to watch: Some GOP lawmakers worry that the difficulty Johnson faced in securing reelection is a sign of what is to come over the next two years.
"I'm hoping that President Trump will lean in on some of these members ... we don't have time to deal with this intransigence," Rep. Mark Alford (R-Mo.) told Axios before the vote was gaveled.
Editor's note: This story has been updated with additional reporting.
The deadly New Year's attacks in New Orleans and Las Vegas have officials in Washington, D.C., on high alert about potential security threats ahead of President-elect Trump's inauguration.
Why it matters: Concerns about a possible wave of nationwide violence come as extraordinary security precautions are already being put in place for both the inauguration and Congress' certification of the 2024 election.
One senior House Democrat told Axios that this week's attacks have rattled many lawmakers.
A House Republican said they are "very concerned about security" because "we saw real terrorism this week," noting that a Trump property apparently was targeted in the Las Vegas attack.
Even before the attacks, some House Democrats said they planned to skip the inauguration out of fear for their safety.
Driving the news: In New Orleans, a man identified as 42-year-old U.S. Army veteran Shamsud-Din-Jabbar allegedly drove his pickup truck onto a sidewalk on crowded Bourbon Street, killing at least 14 people and injuring dozens.
And in Las Vegas, a Tesla Cybertruck containing fireworks and fuel exploded outside Trump's Las Vegas hotel, killing the driver and injuring seven others.
What they're saying: D.C.'s Metropolitan Police Department said Wednesday that it has "heightened its security posture" in response to the attacks.
"As we approach upcoming major events in the District of Columbia, MPD will continue working with our local and federal partners to assess potential threats and make any necessary adjustments," the department said in a statement.
D.C.'s Metro Transit Police also said they've "heightened security," including an "increased police presence" on public transit.
Zoom in: For the first time, the Department of Homeland Security has designated Congress' certification of presidential electors on Jan. 6 as a National Special Security Event — the same level of protection as inaugurations and the Super Bowl.
It will be the first time since the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, that Congress meets to certify a presidential election — though, unlike in 2021, there are no serious efforts to try to overturn the election results.
U.S. Capitol Police Chief Tom Manger told WTOP last month that security for Jan. 6 will be "night and day" from what it was four years ago.
Fences have already been erected around the Capitol warning would-be trespassers about federal law that prohibits entering restricted grounds.
Both D.C. law enforcement agencies said Thursday there are "no known threats" to events in the city. U.S. Capitol Police said they have "already been ramping up security, as planned, ahead of a busy month."
A senior House member with knowledge of the security preparations told Axios that the Capitol is "well fortified" and that "frankly, given all the steps we've taken ... we're about as secure as we've ever been."
Even so, the lawmaker added that "we're obviously monitoring all of this. The violence everywhere is beyond troubling. ... There are ongoing concerns."
Zoom out: The New Year's attacks come amid a period of growing political violence, including a steady years-long rise in threats targeting members of Congress.
House Republicans' mainstream wing is warning Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) not to repeat his predecessor's mistake of giving away the store to his right-wing detractors to retain his gavel, Axios has learned.
Why it matters: Johnson is facing roughly a dozen right-wing holdouts on the eve of Friday's speaker election — in which he will only be able to afford a handful of GOP defections.
Johnson said in a "Fox and Friends" interview Thursday that he has spoken with "every single one" of his detractors and that "we'll be talking about process reforms in the House."
GOP sources have told Axios that Johnson is willing to make commitments but not formal concessions like rules changes.
What we're hearing: There have been "scores" of "regular" House Republicans warning Johnson even against handshake deals that may put the rest of his conference in a bind, four House Republicans familiar with the outreach told Axios.
"There are significant communications," said one of the lawmakers, who told Axios that these GOP moderates are warning Johnson: "Don't do what [former speaker Kevin] McCarthy did."
"Don't give promises upon which you can't deliver. Don't give promises that require us to do things that we don't want to do, that are beyond reasonable," the lawmaker said.
Another told Axios: "You cannot trust these guys who undermine us at every point. They ask for first base, the speaker gives it to them, and they ask for second base. ... Don't cater to [them]."
Zoom out: In his 15-ballot fight to become speaker in 2023, McCarthy (R-Calif.) cut a deal with his right-wing rebels — including rules changes, plum committee assignments and votes on certain bills — that came back to haunt him.
The leverage the deal gave hardliners also forced the GOP's moderate wing to take difficult votes on the debt ceiling, government spending, social policy and more.
Zoom in: One idea establishment House Republicans find particularly distasteful is making Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) the chair of the House Rules Committee.
That is a "very unpopular initiative for many Republicans," the first House Republican told Axios.
Between the lines: These Republicans are confident they won't see a repeat of the much-maligned McCarthy deal.
"We all trust Johnson won't go that far," said the first House Republican, calling him a "good conservative man whose ideology used to be like Freedom Caucus ... adjacent — now he understands he's got a house to run."
Johnson "is trusted to do what's needed without going too far," said a third. "If he has to give the sleeves off his vest, most are fine with that."
Editor's note: This story has been updated with additional reporting.
The first roll call will be tense, but House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has a clear path to winning the speaker election on Friday.
"I think we get it done on the first round," Johnson told Fox Business on Thursday.
Why it matters: On paper, Johnson has a better outlook than former Speaker Kevin McCarthy did in 2023.
McCarthy had a four-seat margin in January 2023, and five Republicans were public "no" votes ahead of the speaker election.
Johnson has a two-seat margin and just one public GOP "no" vote ahead of the election. That's Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.).
"It feels like it's different from two years ago," one House Republican told Axios.
Johnson's skeptics, the lawmaker said, are "looking for a couple policy accommodations" while McCarthy's "had an ax to grind."
Case in point: Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), who tried to oust Johnson last year, said Thursday she'll vote for Johnson and urged others to get on board.
President-elect Trump is also involved. He called one of the holdouts — Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) — to press him to back Johnson, Punchbowl reported Thursday.
In 2023, Trump notably intervened after McCarthy had lost several rounds of balloting.
This time he's twisting arms ahead of the big event.
Zoom in: Mainstream GOP lawmakers have warned Johnson against handshake deals with conservatives, Axios scooped this afternoon.
"There are significant communications," said one of the lawmakers, who told Axios that these GOP moderates are warning Johnson: "Don't do what [former speaker Kevin] McCarthy did."
"Don't give promises upon which you can't deliver. Don't give promises that require us to do things that we don't want to do, that are beyond reasonable," the lawmaker said.
Establishment Republicans loathe the idea of making Roy the chair of the House Rules Committee.
That is a "very unpopular initiative for many Republicans," a House Republican told Axios.
The bottom line: The speaker says he's "open" to some conservative demands.
The big one: No putting big-ticket bills on the floor under suspension of the rules. Many of those suspension votes were because House GOP leaders surrendered control of the House Rules Committee in January 2023.
Johnson ran into this buzzsaw several times last year before getting help from Democrats on must-pass bills. Conservatives want this trend to end, boxing in Johnson unless he stuffs Rules with more speaker-friendly votes.
Democrats seem uninterested in bailing out Johnson — and by extension, Trump, on must-pass bills that can't get by the Freedom Caucus.
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) floated "process reforms" Thursday as he tries to shore up his bid to retain his gavel on Jan. 3.
Why it matters: Johnson's remarks to Fox News are a sign he is willing to make commitments to his Republican skeptics as they demand he take a harder line on government spending and resist the urge to broker bipartisan compromises.
"They were upset with how the year-end stuff came to the floor," one House Republican told Axios of the speaker's detractors.
Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), one of Johnson's most vocal holdouts, "wants more commitment to member-driven and socialized proposals," the lawmaker said.
What he's saying: Johnson said in a "Fox and Friends" interview that the Friday speaker election is a "numbers game," noting he is set to have a 219-215 majority and will have "a margin of probably two votes."
Johnson said he has been making calls to the roughly dozen House Republicans who have refused to commit to voting for his reelection.
"I've talked to every single one of those friends and colleagues over the holidays. We'll be talking about process reforms in the House," he said, without specifying what those changes might be.
State of play: Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has already pledged to vote for an alternative to Johnson, meaning the speaker likely cannot lose a single additional vote.
Many members of the right-wing House Freedom Caucus, including chair Andy Harris (R-Md.) and former chair Scott Perry (R-Pa.), have said they are undecided.
Zoom in: Johnson is making the case that, with Republicans set to take control of the Senate and White House, he will have a greater ability to pursue legislation that satisfies his right flank.
"I think the reason they're all going to vote yes is this: We are shifting into a brand new paradigm. We have unified government that begins tomorrow," Johnson said.
"We are excited to deliver on the American First agenda. It begins on day one ... tomorrow," he added.
He and his allies are also warning that a failure to pick the speaker could delay the Jan. 6 certification of President-elect Trump's victory.
Between the lines: Johnson has made one rule change that, much to Democrats' fury, could make it easier for him to focus on internal GOP matters at the expense of bipartisanship.
The proposed rules package for the 119th Congress makes it so that, rather than any member of either party being able to force a vote on ousting the speaker, only a group of at least nine Republicans can.
Said House Rules Committee ranking member Jim McGovern (D-Mass.): "Instead of electing a Speaker of the House, they have decided to elect a Speaker of the Republican Conference — held hostage by their most extreme members."
The bottom line: "He will make it," predicted the House Republican who spoke anonymously.
House Democrats are pushing back furiously against a proposed change to House rules that would allow only Republicans to force a vote on removing the speaker of the House.
Why it matters: Top Democrats are arguing the move would inhibit bipartisanship and effectively make House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) answerable only to his members — not the entire House.
"This makes it clear that they have no intention of working together to find common ground," Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), the top Democrat on the House Rules Committee, said of the rules change in a statement.
McGovern added: "Instead of electing a Speaker of the House, they have decided to elect a Speaker of the Republican Conference—held hostage by their most extreme members."
Democrats are likely to follow McGovern's lead and close ranks against the package, a senior House Democrat told Axios.
Driving the news: The 36-page rules package for the 119th Congress, unveiled on Wednesday, raises the threshold to introduce what is called a "motion to vacate" in multiple ways.
Whereas in the last Congress, any single House member could introduce such a motion, now eight others have to co-sponsor the measure.
But all nine of those lawmakers have to be members of the majority party — which will be the Republicans in this Congress.
The rules change is part of a deal struck by House Republicans' internal factions in November as the party renominated Johnson for speaker.
Zoom out: For most of U.S. history, any singular House member in either party has been able to introduce a motion to vacate.
That changed in 2019, when House Democrats took control of the chamber and made it so that it could only be introduced at the direction of either the House Democratic caucus or the House Republican conference.
Former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), as part of a deal to obtain the speakership in 2023, brought back the single-member rule.
While three of the four motions to vacate introduced in U.S. history — including against Johnson and McCarthy — were brought by Republicans against GOP speakers, Democrat Albert Burleson introduced one against Republican Speaker Joseph Cannon in 1910.
What they're saying: "It's a very dark day for democracy in America if this is adopted," Rep. Joe Morelle (D-N.Y.), the top Democrat on the House Administration Committee, told Axios.
Morelle said he "can't imagine there is any precedent" for the rule, adding: "What's next? Allowing only Republicans to speak on the floor?"
The senior House Democrat who spoke anonymously told Axios that their colleagues were reading through the text of the package on Wednesday and "don't like" the change.
Between the lines: Johnson likely has more to fear from his own party, even as his relationships with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) and rank-and-file Democrats have all but broken down.
He faces roughly a dozen GOP holdouts in the Jan. 3 speaker election, including a firm "no" in Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.).
The rules change is "an indication of not just how weak he feels but how weak he actually is," said Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), arguing that GOP leadership "can't stand on its own without bending and changing rules."
Said Morelle: "I suppose this travesty is necessary in the Speaker's mind because his leadership is so tenuous. There's no way for him to 'win' the game unless the 'fix' is in. But this is deeply troubling."
What's next: The House is set to vote on the package on Jan. 3 after the speaker is elected and members are sworn in — though that may be contingent on Johnson winning on the first ballot.
Rules packages are typically approved along party lines, though Johnson is set to have only a 219-215 majority with which to pass it.
Some right-wing Republicans have threatened to tank the package over a provision in the bill teeing up a vote to sanction the International Criminal Court.
The bottom line: Some Democrats are warning Johnson against the move by arguing that it could end up backfiring on Republicans.
Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.) called it a "major mistake," telling Axios: "We didn't make the motion to vacate, his own members did. He came to us … to table the motion."
"This will start the eroding of the minority party. Should this succeed, in just a couple of years his members won't be on committees or be able to file bills in the minority," he added. "You break it, you own it."
Detractors and skeptics of House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) appear to be only digging in ahead of the House speaker election on Jan. 3.
Why it matters: House GOP hardliners' continued hesitance to coalesce around Johnson suggests that President-elect Trump's endorsement of the incumbent speaker has had little effect so far.
What they're saying: Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) told Axios that "a growing number of members" want "at minimum, assurances" from Johnson on "meaningful cuts" to spending before they vote to re-elect him.
He joins roughly a dozen House Republicans who declined to commit to voting for Johnson even after Trump endorsed him on Monday.
Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) is the latest, with her office declining to comment on Tuesday when asked how she plans to vote.
By the numbers: Johnson is set to have a 219-215 majority when the House reconvenes on Jan. 3.
Assuming full attendance from both sides, that means he will only be able to afford a single Republican voting for an alternative candidate.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has promised to be that Republican, meaning Johnson has virtually no room for additional defections from his side.
Yes, but: Johnson has been making calls over the holiday break, multiple sources familiar with the matter told Axios.
One of the calls was with the "Five Families," a group of ideological factions within the House GOP, according to one House Republican.
Some "commitments to the holdouts are on the table," the lawmaker told Axios, but "nothing formal" like changes to House rules.
House Republicans on Wednesday released their proposed rules package for the 119th Congress, which includes several notable changes to the rules that governed the lower chamber for the last two years.
Why it matters: The most crucial alteration raises the threshold to introduce a motion to vacate — a measure to force a vote on ousting the House speaker.
Instead of any single House member being able to force such a vote, now any such motion will have to be introduced by a Republican joined by eight additional GOP co-sponsors.
The change is the result of a deal struck between House Republican factions in November as the GOP met to renominate House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.).
The details: The 36-page package formally dissolves the congressional Diversity & Inclusion Office, a longstanding target for House Republicans.
Funding for the office was already gutted by a government spending bill passed in March with plans to absorb it into a new Office of Talent Management, but Democrats had hoped to revive it if they won back the House majority.
The rules package also changes the name of the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability back to the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
The name was initially changed in the 118th Congress to reflect the flurry of probes Republicans launched into the Biden administration. The incoming Trump administration is expected to face far less scrutiny.
Zoom in: The package also renames the Office of Congressional Ethics – another common GOP target – to the Office of Congressional Conduct.
It authorizes subpoenas of Attorney General Merrick Garland and other DOJ officials as part of House Republicans' investigations into the Biden family's finances.
And it sets up votes on a dozen GOP bills implementing strict border security measures, sanctioning the International Criminal Court, requiring proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections and more.
The other side: Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), the top Democrat on the House Rules Committee, homed in on the fact that the rules would only allow members of the majority party to introduce motions to vacate.
"Their proposed changes would, for the first time in American history, shield the Speaker from accountability to the entire chamber," he said.
Of the whole package, he added: "The American people did not vote for whatever the hell this is—and you better believe that Democrats will not let Republicans turn the House of Representatives into a rubber stamp for their extremist policies."
What's next: The House is scheduled to reconvene on Jan. 3 to vote to elect a speaker, swear in its members and finally vote on the rules package.
A Friday vote on the rules package is not guaranteed, however, as Johnson's skeptics are threatening to deny him the gavel on the first ballot.
Editor's note: This article has been updated with comment from Rep. Jim McGovern.
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) is not out of the woods in his fight to retain his gavel, even after receiving a crucial endorsement from President-elect Trump.
Why it matters: The Jan. 3 speaker election will now be an early test not only of Johnson's ability to lead his conference into the coming legislative battles — but of Trump's as well.
Driving the news: Trump said Monday in a post on Truth Social that Johnson is a "good, hard working, religious man" who has his "Complete & Total Endorsement."
The endorsement came after weeks of right-wing anger toward Johnson for passing a government funding bill with bipartisan support.
Trump himself was reportedly frustrated with Johnson for failing to tack on a debt limit increase — something he is still demanding before Jan. 20.
State of play: Johnson is set to have just a 219-215 majority when the House returns on Jan. 3, meaning he will likely only be able to lose one vote.
Trump's endorsement pushed some uncommitted members, like Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas) and Josh Brecheen (R-Okla.), to back Johnson.
But it hasn't swayed Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), the one House Republican who has said he plans to vote against Johnson.
"I respect and support President Trump, but his endorsement of Mike Johnson is going to work out about as well as his endorsement of Speaker Paul Ryan," Massie said in a post on X.
Zoom in: Several other undecideds said Monday they, too, are unconvinced by Trump's support for Johnson.
Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.), who has a list of demands for Johnson on reducing government spending, said on X that "we still need to get assurances that [Johnson] won't sell us out to the swamp."
Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) "still has not made any public or private commitments on Speaker Johnson," his spokesperson told Axios.
"I'm undecided," said Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), who has stressed that Trump's endorsement would be decisive for Johnson's chances.
House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris (R-Md.), who has pushed Johnson to eschew dealmaking with Democrats, is "still undecided," his spokesperson said.
Zoom out: The incoming president maintains the strict loyalty of his party, but he has at times struggled to work his will on the legislative process.
His backing of former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) in 2023 did little to dislodge the Californian's right-wing detractors, who only relented after 15 grueling ballots.
And just this month, 38 Republicans broke with their party and voted against a combined spending and debt limit bill that Trump had demanded — despite the threat of primary challenges.
What's next: Johnson will spend the four days trying to whip his last few holdouts as they demand spending and process-related concessions.
He is making calls and reaching out to GOP lawmakers who have not yet committed to supporting him, sources familiar with the matter told Axios.
Editor's note: This story has been updated with additional reporting.
"Trump's endorsement is significant and may save Johnson," Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas) told Axios.
What he's saying: "Speaker Mike Johnson is a good, hard working, religious man. He will do the right thing, and we will continue to WIN," Trump said in a post on Truth Social.
He added: "Mike has my Complete & Total Endorsement. MAGA!!!"
Johnson, in a post on X, said he is "honored and humbled" by Trump's support, adding, "The American people demand and deserve that we waste no time. Let's get to work!"
State of play: Johnson is set to have a 219-215 majority on Jan. 3 and will likely be able to afford just a single GOP defection and still be reelected.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has said he will vote for an alternative to Johnson, with several other right-wingers saying they are undecided.
Democrats have signaled that they will all vote for House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), denying Johnson crossover support.
Between the lines: Many of Johnson's right-wing skeptics are also firm Trump loyalists who will likely be swayed by the president-elect's endorsement.
Nehls, who told Axios earlier this month he was undecided on whether to vote for Johnson, said Monday: "If DJT supports Johnson we need to rally around Johnson."
But others like Massie have flexed their independence from the president-elect, and one House Republican predicted to Axios on Monday that Johnson could still face a handful of defections on the first ballot.
Editor's note: This story has been updated with additional reporting.
If measured by the number of bills signed into law, the 118th Congress was by far the most unproductive since at least the 1980s, according to data from public affairs firm Quorum.
Why it matters: That is not the only metric of success, but the stunning stat is a marker of how difficult the chaos of the last two years made actual legislating.
Every fiscal deadline led to brinksmanship between the Republican House and the Democratic Senate and White House.
Throughout the disarray, trust between House Democrats and Republicans reached a low ebb— making bipartisan compromise rare.
By the numbers: The 118th Congress passed just under 150 bills over the last two years, according to the Quorum data provided to Axios.
That's down from more than 350 passed in the previous Congress — in which Democrats held control of both chambers and the White House.
The 17 Congresses since the start of George H.W. Bush's presidency in 1989 have passed an average of more than 380 laws.
Zoom in: Split partisan control of Congress and the White House can account for much of the disparity.
Aside from this Congress, the previously most unproductive sessions were the 112th and 113th — in which Republicans controlled the House and clashed bitterly with President Obama.
After that, it was the 104th, in which President Clinton faced a similar dynamic with a Republican-controlled Congress.
Still, those Congresses passed more than 270, 280 and 310 bills, respectively, making them far more productive than the 118th.
Between the lines: There is more than one way to pass a law, as this month's government funding fight demonstrated.
A nearly 1,550-page stopgap spending bill was packed to the gills with tangential legislation on health care, U.S. investment in China, RFK Stadium in D.C. and congressional pay and benefits.
Those measures — called "riders," because they ride a larger, must-pass package — would have counted as one law for the purpose of this statistic.
What to watch: The big test for House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) next year will be to prove that this Congress' lack of legislative productivity was the result of split partisan control and not GOP infighting.
Republicans are set to control the House, Senate and White House, but Johnson's agonizingly small majority will afford him at times one or even zero defections on party-line bills.
His first test will come on Jan. 3, when Congress elects the speaker. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has said he won't vote for Johnson, while many other right-wingers remain undecided.
The once-fringe idea of Democrats appearing on conservative-leaning media is suddenly going mainstream in the wake of the party's 2024 election losses.
Why it matters: Nearly a dozen House Democrats tell Axios that party members need to increase their appearances on conservative-leaning and non-traditional platforms, or risk irrelevance.
They say they no longer can look past the huge audiences offered by Fox News and conservative podcasts, whose messaging power became evident when Republicans swept the White House and both chambers of Congress in last month's election.
"If half the country is watching and we gotta win 50% plus one, how can you reach anybody when you're not talking where they go?" Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.) told Axios.
Driving the news: Most Democrats still prefer to stick to friendly outlets such as MSNBC or the more neutral CNN, where they can typically avoid confrontations and adversarial interviews.
"I think one of the lessons learned from the 2024 election is that we have all but ceded alternative media to the conservative movement," said Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.).
"If we have confidence in our message, we should be prepared to take our message to every corner of the ecosystem — including in politically hostile environments."
Zoom in: Some Democrats — inside and outside of Congress — have expressed post-election jealousy over how President-elect Trump used a hyper-focused media strategy to connect with specific voter demographics, particularly young men, by appearing on podcasts and YouTube shows with massive followings.
Democrats say many of their own campaigns — from Vice President Harris' on down — focused too much on friendly outlets with declining audiences that already agreed with them.
Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine) — who was re-elected in a district where Trump defeated Harris by nearly 10 percentage points — outlined a more local approach to this strategy.
Golden told Axios that he goes on local conservative radio shows in Maine: "You've got to contest every corner ... Otherwise all they hear is what's said about you by the other side."
Zoom out: Adversarial media appearances by Democrats were rare during Trump's first presidency until several 2020 Democratic presidential candidates — including Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg — appeared in Fox News town halls.
As transportation secretary, Buttigieg has gone further, using Fox as a venue to clinically defend Democrats' positions while skewering Republicans in front of many of their own voters.
But only now — in the wake of 2024's election disappointments and amid calls for a Democratic rebrand— is Buttigieg's approach being widely embraced.
Between the lines: As cable news networks face declining viewership numbers across the board, Fox News Channel is still maintaining its relevance. It ended 2024 as the most-watched network during the election cycle — and saw increasing viewership among Democrats and independents.
Fox News was the most-watched news network across the seven swing states last month's election.
Even progressives are beginning to embrace the idea of expanding Democrats' media reach: "My view is, as much engagement as possible is good," Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) told Axios.
Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), another progressive, told Axios that "as a gay woman, I have a particular view on the world and I actually think that it could be really helpful in this moment."
Several Democrats told Axios that revamping their party's media strategy should involve much more than simply going on conservative-leaning media.
Rep. Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), co-chair of House Democrats' political messaging arm, underscored that appearing on conservative media is important, but it's not "where the jackpot is."
"We need to speak to people who don't consume news as a hobby.... That's not just going on Fox News ... it's going on places of culture, sports, different things like that," he said.
The other side: Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) is among the Democrats who are more skeptical about engaging with conservative media.
"People that watch Fox News have their minds made up about the type of rhetoric that they want to listen to," Crockett said.
"God bless those that go on there, but I don't think that we're really changing the minds of the people that have decided that they want to watch that bullsh*t,"she added.
The bottom line: Beyond simply going on alternative media himself, Moskowitz said he has actively been trying to persuade colleagues to follow his lead.
Asked whether he thinks he's changed some minds, he told Axios: "I think I have, because I think you're seeing the number of people increasing that are doing that."
The House Ethics Committee's report into former Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) had been poised to stay officially buried — until two centrist Republicans on the panel unexpectedly voted to release it, Axios has learned.
Gaetz, who has denied any wrongdoing, filed an 11th-hour lawsuit Monday morning seeking to block the report's publication, alleging it "contains untruthful and defamatory information."
What we're hearing: Reps. Dave Joyce (R-Ohio) and Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.) sided with the committee's five Democrats in voting to release the report, two sources familiar with the matter told Axios.
Chair Michael Guest (R-Miss.), along with Reps. Michelle Fischbach (R-Minn.) and John Rutherford (R-Fla.), opposed doing so, arguing the panel lost jurisdiction after Gaetz resigned, the sources said.
It was a reversal from when the committee split along party lines in a November vote on releasing the report, thus keeping it under wraps.
What they're saying: Guest, in a statement after the report was released on Monday, confirmed that he "did not vote to support the release of the report."
"I take great exception that the majority deviated from the Committee's well-established standards and voted to release a report on an individual no longer under the Committee's jurisdiction," he said.
Guest also led a one-page dissent that was appended to the report "on behalf of the members of the committee" who voted against its release that said the lawmakers "do not challenge the Committee's finding."
Spokespeople for Fischbach, Joyce and the Ethics Committee declined to comment, while spokespeople for Garbarino and Rutherford did not respond to requests for comment.
Zoom in: The report accused Gaetz of violating state and federal law, as well as House rules, including by "regularly" paying for sex between 2017 and 2019, having sex with a 17-year-old in 2017 and using illicit drugs "on multiple occasions" between 2017 and 2019.
The report also alleged Gaetz "continuously sought to deflect, deter, or mislead" the committee to the point of obstruction.
Gaetz has vigorously denied the allegations in the report and publicly disparaged the Ethics Committee and some of its members, including Guest and Joyce.
Editor's note: This story has been updated with additional reporting.
House Democrats are sending an early warning signal to Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) that he shouldn't count on them to rescue him again.
Why it matters: Johnson will have the barest of majorities next year — and he's staring down growing unrest within the Republican conference.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) has said he will vote against Johnson's reelection as speaker on Jan. 3, with several other Republicans saying they are undecided.
With a majority as narrow as 219-215, Johnson may only be able to afford to lose one vote.
State of play: Johnson last week abandoned a federal funding package he negotiated with Democrats and introduced a pared-down version with a debt limit extension demanded by President-elect Trump.
House Democrats bitterly accused Johnson of going back on his word and declared themselves a "hell no" on the revised version of the bill.
Johnson eventually succeeded in passing a version of the bill without a debt ceiling increase, but the damage was already done.
Driving the news: At a caucus meeting on Friday, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) signaled to his members that relations with Johnson had entered a new, significantly worsened phase.
He pointed to Johnson reversing on the funding deal and letting communications go dark at times during the week, according to three lawmakers and a fourth source present for his remarks.
House Democratic caucus chair Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.) said that he will not personally ask Democrats to bail out Johnson going forward as they did in May.
Jeffries said Sunday on MSNBC's "Inside with Jen Psaki" there is a "real risk" of Johnson failing to become speaker on Jan. 3, and that "there will be no Democrats available to save him."
What they're saying: More than half a dozen House Democrats who voted to bail out Johnson in May told Axios on Sunday that they agree with Jeffries that Johnson can no longer count on their votes.
"I will follow leadership," said Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), one of the party's most centrist members.
Rep. Tom Suozzi (D-N.Y.), another arch-centrist, told Axios of the speaker election: "I'm voting for Hakeem Jeffries."
"He is correct," Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.) said of Jeffries' comments on MSNBC.
Zoom in: Johnson's reelection bid is currently backed by Trump and his conference unanimously renominated him for speaker last month, but even if he wins in January he will face the challenge of keeping his gavel.
House Republicans increased the threshold for introducing a "motion to vacate" — a measure to remove the speaker — but any nine lawmakers would still be able to force such a vote.
And Johnson is facing growing anger from both his right flank and the GOP's right-wing grassroots outside of Congress, who are demanding he do more to cut government spending.
Rep. Troy Nehls (R-Texas), who is undecided on voting for Johnson, told Axios last week the speaker will need to rely on Democratic votes to keep his job.
What we're hearing: "I have thought multiple times that I would help Johnson in a tough Speaker vote because he was true to his word even in hard times," said one swing-district House Democrat.
"That has absolutely changed now. Trust is all we have in these negotiations. I thought Johnson was truly different. He's no better than McCarthy. He's getting no help from me and I know many of my colleagues feel the same."
Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), a progressive who voted against ousting Johnson in May, told Axios: "He has betrayed our trust and we will never trust him again to hold to any agreement."
The bottom line: "It's up to the Republicans to lead on governance now," said Stevens, noting that Democrats were voted fully out of power in November.
"If they need us they have to really make it worth our while, but [it] doesn't seem likely that they will," she added.
Congress' long-simmering debate over the age of its members has resurfaced over revelations that Rep. Kay Granger (R-Texas) has been living in an independent living facility in Texas.
Why it matters: The retiring former House Appropriations Committee chair's absence from votes since July has led some of her colleagues to raise concerns.
The latest: Granger acknowledged in a Sunday statement to Axios that she has "been navigating some unforeseen health challenges over the past year."
"Since early September, my health challenges have progressed making frequent travel to Washington both difficult and unpredictable."
Granger's son Brandon told the Dallas Morning News that she has been "having some dementia issues late in the year."
Yes, but: Brandon Granger pushed back on a report from the Dallas Express – whose CEO Chris Putnam ran against Granger in 2020 – that his mother was living in a memory care facility.
Instead, he said, she resides in the independent living facility of Tradition Senior Living in Fort Worth, which advertises itself as a "luxury senior living community."
A source familiar with the matter told Axios that Granger moved into the independent senior living facility around July.
What they're saying: Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.) told Axios in a statement that the public "is entitled to far greater transparency about the health of the elected officials who represent them."
"The incapacitation of an elected official is a material fact that should be disclosed to the public, rather than concealed by staff," he added.
Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) called for term limits in a post on X, saying Granger's absence "reveals the problem with a Congress that rewards seniority & relationships more than merit & ideas."
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) said in a post on X responding to the Dallas Express report that he is "more concerned about the congressmen who have dementia and are still voting."
Zoom in: A House Republican, speaking on the condition of anonymity regarding Granger's absence, said it's "absolutely" worrying because her constituents "don't have a vote."
The lawmaker said there's not enough political will yet to address Congress' age issue, but "there should be."
What we're hearing: The first source told Axios that Granger would have made different preparations had she known she would be unable to vote towards the end of the session, citing the unforeseen progression of her illness.
Granger was also clear with leadership about her situation and said she would return to D.C. to vote if she was needed, the source said.
The source also argued that her resignation would have left the seat vacant until January and still created a representation issue.
Zoom out: Granger stepped down as the Appropriations Committee chair in April and will retire on Jan. 3 when her term expires.
Granger's status was highlighted by her missing a vote on Friday to avert a government shutdown, despite her past leadership of the panel that deals with government funding.
She was, however, present at the Capitol in November when her portrait was unveiled to honor her long-standing work as a member of the House Appropriations Committee.
Granger said in her statement on Sunday that, while in D.C. last month, she was able to hold "meetings on behalf of my constituents, express my gratitude to my staff, and oversee the closure of my Washington office."
Between the lines: While leadership may have been kept in the loop, several rank-and-file House members from both parties told Axios they were unaware of Granger's living situation until this weekend.
Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas), a member of Granger's delegation, said Sunday on CBS News' "Face the Nation" that he was not aware of Granger's condition but acknowledged there was "no doubt a lot of us knew she was gaining in age like a lot of members do."
Republican members of Congress took to the Sunday shows to praise Trump lieutenant Elon Musk's involvement in last week's government funding saga, with one likening him to "our prime minister."
Why it matters: The tech billionaire's influence is being fueled by threats to fund electoral challenges against those who defy him, creating a powerful incentive for Republicans to go along with his demands.
Democrats have harshly criticized Musk for lambasting and ultimately helping to kill a bipartisan government funding deal they struck with House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) last week.
What they're saying: "It's kind of interesting, we have a president, we have a vice president, we have a speaker. It feels like Elon Musk is our prime minister," Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) said in a CBS "Face the Nation" hit.
Gonzales said he spoke with Musk "a couple times this week," adding that "many of us" did so while acknowledging the Tesla CEO is "unelected."
Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) said on Fox News' "Sunday Morning Futures" that his idea to elect Musk as House speaker "might have been tongue-in-cheek," but, "I do appreciate his input."
"Thank god Elon Musk bought Twitter, because that's the only way we would even know what's in this bill," Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.) said of Musk's efforts to kill the bipartisan bill on CNN's "State of the Union."
Yes, but: Hagerty pushed back on Democrats' assertions that Musk is pulling Trump's strings, saying Trump is "clearly the leader" of the Republican Party.
Musk's influence "doesn't bother me a bit," Haggerty said, adding he is "appreciative of the fact that President Trump has that type of talent available to advise him."
The other side: Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.) said on "State of the Union" that he is "concerned" about what Musk's role "is going to mean."
Coons, like other Democrats, noted that the revised version of the spending bill excluded restrictions on outbound investment to China that were part of the original bill Musk harangued.
"Given that Tesla has a major new factory in Shanghai, that may actually benefit Elon Musk's business," Coons alleged.
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) notched a major win Friday by averting a government shutdown, but it has not taken him out of the woods in his fight to retain the speaker's gavel on Jan. 3.
Why it matters: Johnson will likely be able to bank just one GOP defection and still win. Many in the right-wing Freedom Caucus aren't committing to vote for him yet.
"Everybody's got different issues," Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said of his fellow undecideds – including opinions on what Johnson "should be doing to rally support for various issues."
Some, he said, wish the notoriously congenial speaker was "more forceful like Nancy Pelosi."
State of play: Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) said this week he will vote for an alternative candidate – burning the single vote Johnson will likely have to spare in his incoming 219-215 majority.
Plenty more said they are undecided, including Norman and Reps. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), Troy Nehls (R-Texas) and Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.).
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) floated making Elon Musk speaker, including in a survey sent out by email from her congressional office.
Rep. Josh Brecheen (R-Okla.), asked after the Friday spending vote whether he will support Johnson on Jan. 3, told Axios: "No comment."
What they're saying: Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), another undecided, told Axios on Friday that "it's possible" Johnson will have trouble securing the support he needs.
"I've heard of many frustrations of people outside the Freedom Caucus" as well as inside, Crane added.
After Friday's vote, Norman told Axios: "We can't let this happen again. We've got to force the issue."
Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris (R-Md.), who told Axios on Wednesday he was supporting Johnson, declared after the vote Friday he was "now undecided."
Between the lines: Johnson, like Kevin McCarthy before him, has faced frequent uprisings from his most right-leaning members for working across the aisle on issues like Ukraine aid and government funding.
The right has also pressed GOP leadership to be more willing to shut the government down or even allow the U.S. to default on its debts in order to secure concessions from Democrats on spending and social policy.
Both McCarthy and Johnson have opted to cut deals with Democrats than allow those scenarios to play out.
Massie and Greene tried to oust Johnson from the speakership in May, but just 10 Republicans voted for the motion to remove him while 163 Democrats crossed the aisle to rescue him.
Yes, but: For the moment, Johnson retains by far the biggest asset of any GOP speaker candidate – the support of President-elect Trump.
Johnson was unanimously renominated for speaker by the House Republican conference last month after Trump endorsed him in the room.
Burchett, asked about Johnson's reelection chances on Friday, said Trump "will play a role in that" and that Johnson "did what he asked" on the spending fight.
Zoom in: Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio), who has been one of Johnson's harshest critics at times, said the speaker handled the funding fight "the best way that he possibly could."
"I just don't know who'd be next, and I don't want the chaos. We all want stability," Miller said of the speaker vote.
Another House Republican who has been critical of Johnson at times told Axios they "haven't heard much about" any organized effort to defeat him.
The bottom line: Johnson will likely have a whip operation on his hands for the two weeks leading up to the vote.
"It's such a slim majority that he'd be foolish to not want to touch base with everybody just to make sure," said Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.).
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) has privately floated embracing the wholesale elimination of the debt limit next year rather than simply raising it, Axios has learned.
Why it matters: President-elect Trump will almost certainly need Democratic votes when the debt limit's "X-date" is reached — which experts say could be as soon as mid-June.
Republicans have a significant bloc of debt and deficit hawks who will likely vote against raising the debt ceiling under any circumstances.
That gives the Democratic leader considerable leverage to use the debt limit to force concessions.
State of play: House Democrats ruled out touching the debt ceiling as part of the government funding negotiations.
When the funding fight is wrapped up, Jeffries has said, his party may engage with Trump's demand that the debt ceiling be done away with, according to a senior Democratic lawmaker and two other sources familiar with the matter.
Zoom out: Trump stunned Capitol Hill on Thursday by vowing to "lead the charge" to abolish the debt ceiling as part of a government funding bill.
Democrats opted for formal opposition to the idea — with many arguing it would simply be a blank check for Trump's tax cuts.
But scrapping the debt ceiling is a proposal many in the party have long embraced — and some Democrats like Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) couldn't help but endorse Trump's stipulation.
What we're hearing: Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.), Jeffries' leader on the House Budget Committee, has been telling colleagues "all week" that they should push for the elimination of the debt limit, a House Democrat told Axios.
Boyle introduced a bill with dozens of his House Democratic colleagues last year to allow the Treasury Department to keep paying down the federal debt unless a veto-proof majority of Congress votes to stop them.
He told Axios: "I believe 2025 is the time to permanently end the perennial debt ceiling dysfunction. I have been advocating for my Debt Ceiling Reform Act, which would end the debt ceiling as we know it."
Zoom in: Eliminating the debt limit has also been discussed amongst Senate Democrats, with Warren raising the issue in private caucus meetings this week, per sources.
Warren will become the top Democrat on the influential Senate Banking Committee next year, shaping the caucus' messaging on fiscal fights next year.
Yes, but: Trump would likely have trouble with his own side and face pressure to back off eliminating the debt ceiling if he pursues it.
Nearly 40 Republicans voted with Democrats against a government funding bill on Thursday that included a two-year debt limit extension.
That vote came even after Trump's potent threat of primary challenges against Republicans who defy him.
The bottom line: One senior Democratic aide told Axios that Elon Musk's involvement in spending negotiations had poisoned the well and that the party was focused on averting a government shutdown.
If that is done, the aide said, the party would engage in discussions about how to address the debt limit.
